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Title: The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898
       Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the
       islands and their peoples, their history and records of
       the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books
       and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial
       and religious conditions of those islands from their
       earliest relations with European nations to the close of
       the nineteenth century, Volume XIX, 1620-1621

Author: Emma Helen Blair

Release Date: June 17, 2005 [EBook #16086]

Language: English

Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1

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                   The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898

   Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
   their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
    as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
   political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
   islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
                    close of the nineteenth century,

                         Volume XIX, 1620-1621



 Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
  with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
                                Bourne.





Contents of Volume XIX


    Preface
    Documents of 1620

            Reforms needed in the Filipinas (concluded). Hernando de
            los Rios Coronel; (Madrid, 1619-20)
            Letter to Alonso de Escovar. Francisco de Otaço, S.J.;
            Madrid, January 14.
            Decree ordering reforms in the friars' treatment of the
            Indians. Felipe III; Madrid, May 29.
            Relation of events in the Philipinas Islands,
            1619-20. (Unsigned); Manila, June 14.
            Compulsory service by the Indians. Pedro de Sant Pablo,
            O.S.F.; Dilao, August 7.
            Letter from the Audiencia to Felipe III. Hieronimo
            Legaspi de Cheverria, and others; Manila, August 8.

            Letter to Felipe III. Alonso Fajardo de Tenza: Manila,
            August 15.
            Letter to Alonso Fajardo de Tenza. Felipe III; Madrid,
            December 13.

    Memorial, y relacion para sv magestad, Hernando de los Rios
    Coronel; Madrid, 1621.
    Bibliographical Data.
    Appendix: Buying and selling prices of Oriental products. Martin
    Castaños (in part); (undated.)






Illustrations



    Autograph signature of Alonso Fajardo de Tenza; photographic
    facsimile from MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla
    Title-page of _Memorial y relacion_, by Hernando de los Rios
    Coronel (Madrid, 1621); photographic facsimile from copy in
    Library of Congress





Preface


The documents in the present volume cover a wide range. In greater
or less detail are discussed affairs in the islands--civil, military,
and religious, in which all the various ramifications of each estate
are touched upon. Reforms, both civil and religious, are urged and
ordered; and trade and commerce, and general economic and social
conditions pervade all the documents. The efforts of Dutch, English,
French, Portuguese, and Spanish in eastern waters are a portent of
coming struggles for supremacy in later times. Japan, meditating on the
closed door to Europeans, though still permitting the Dutch to trade
there, continues to persecute the Christians, while that persecution
is, on the other hand, lessening in violence in China. The piracies
of the Moros endanger the islands, and allow the Dutch to hope for
alliance with them against the Spaniards; and the importance of the
islands to Spain is urged forcibly.

A letter addressed by Los Rios Coronel to the king (probably in 1620)
urges that prompt aid be sent to Filipinas for its defense against
the Dutch and English who threaten its coasts. To it he adds an
outline "treatise on the navigation of Filipinas," which sustains
his demand by forcible arguments. The rich Oriental trade amounts
to five millions of pesos a year, which mainly goes to sustain the
Dutch and their allies, the enemies of Spain, whose commerce they
will utterly destroy unless some check is placed on their audacity;
and the effectual method of doing this is to deprive them of that
trade. An armed expedition for the relief of the islands is being
prepared by the king; it should be despatched via the Cape of Good
Hope, and all possible efforts should be made to drive out the Dutch
and English from the Eastern seas. Los Rios proposes that for this
purpose loans be asked from wealthy persons in Nueva España and Peru;
and that the vessels needed be built in India. He makes recommendations
for the routes and equipment of the vessels, both going and returning;
and for the seasons best for sailing.

A letter from Francisco de Otaço, S.J. (January 14, 1620), mentions
various arrangements for the despatch of more missionaries to the
islands, and laments the recent loss of a fleet sent to the aid of the
Philippine colony. A royal decree of May 29 in the same year orders
the governor and Audiencia to correct the religious who have levied
on the Indians exactions of forced service.

The Jesuit chronicler of events in 1619 continues the record for the
year ending July, 1620. Some account of the war waged by the Chinese
and the Tartars is given. The persecution of the Christians in China
has slackened, and the authorities of that country are more favorable
to the Jesuit missionaries there. But in Japan the persecution
continues, and the college at Macao is crowded with Jesuits who are
disappointed in their efforts to enter Japan. Letters from Jesuits
in that country enumerate many martyrdoms, of both missionaries and
their converts, and describe their holy zeal and faith in suffering
death. The authorities and influential men of Japan consider it well
to harbor the Dutch there, and even talk of conquering the Philippines,
in order to get rid of the Spaniards; but it is rumored that they also
contemplate the expulsion of all Europeans from Japan. In the Malucas
"there is constant strife between the English and the Hollanders,"
and the French are obtaining a foothold. Portuguese India has but
inadequate means of defense against the Dutch and other foes. An
interesting and picturesque account is given of the religious fiestas
held in Manila to celebrate the festival of the immaculate conception
of the Virgin Mary; the chief features are processions, dramatic
representations, dances, fireworks, etc.--to say nothing of the
bull-fights and masquerades of the laity. Fearful earthquakes, with
considerable loss of life, have occurred in the islands, especially
in Ilocos and Cagayan of Luzón; they are ascribed to the influence
of the comets seen in the preceding year. The commerce of Manila is
increasing; rich cargoes arrive there from all parts of the world;
and Manila is a magnificent city, surpassed by few in Europe.

A letter from the Franciscan, Pedro de Sant Pablo (August 7, 1620),
calls upon the king to abolish the repartimientos of forced service
and supplies levied upon the Indians for shipbuilding and other
public works by the colonial authorities. He recounts the oppression,
cruelty, and enslavement caused by this practice; and in the name of
both the Spaniards and the Indians he asks that the repartimientos
be commuted for certain payments of money, in proportion to the means
of each household.

The Audiencia of Manila send to the king (August 8, 1620) a roll of
complaints against Governor Fajardo. They accuse him of abusive and
violent language toward the auditors, and arbitrary conduct in both
sentencing and releasing prisoners; and of granting certain illegal
appointments and privileges to the friends and relatives of himself and
the royal officials. His conduct of an expedition made ready to repel
the Dutch from the islands is sharply criticised; covert attack is
made on him as defrauding the treasury by the sale of Indian orders,
and allowing reckless expenditures of the public moneys; and he is
blamed for failing to enforce the regulations as to the sale of the
Chinese goods.

Fajardo sends a long report of affairs to the king (August 15,
1620). The coming of the ships this year was delayed; and by storms
and an encounter with the Dutch both were wrecked--but on Philippine
coasts, which enabled them to save the rich cargo. As the Dutch
failed to secure this prize, they have lost in prestige, while the
Spaniards have gained accordingly. A marginal note here, apparently
the reply of the Council of the Indias to this clause of Fajardo's
letter, censures him for allowing the ships to leave Manila so late,
and warns him to send them hereafter promptly, and not overladen. He
is also directed to remonstrate with the Japanese officials who are
aiding the Dutch with arms and other supplies; and to strive to break
up their friendship with the Dutch. Fajardo proceeds to say that he
is equipping the ships for both the outward and return voyages with
various supplies, to avoid the greater expense of buying these in
Nueva España; and for the same object is asking the viceroy of that
country to make no unnecessary repairs on the ships. He complains of
the reckless and arbitrary proceedings of the officials in charge of
the ships at Acapulco. He is advised by the Council to send them a
detailed statement of all matters in which unnecessary expense can
be avoided. Fajardo recounts his difficulties with the viceroy of
Nueva España over the appointments to offices in the trading fleet,
and with the pretensions of certain Philippine residents who claim
rewards and appointments without meriting these. He complains that
the troops just arrived from Nueva España are mostly "boys, mestizos,
and mulattoes, with some Indians;" the viceroy is directed to send
better and more effective soldiers to Filipinas hereafter. Fajardo
is uncertain how far he can depend on aid from the viceroy; and he
proposes that those troops and supplies be sent to him from Spain by
way of Panama, enumerating the advantages and economy of that plan
over the present one. He thanks the king for sending aid to Filipinas
by the India route, and asks that such aid be regularly provided
for some years to come; while he states in general terms what he has
accomplished during the last two years with the limited public funds
of the islands. He has equalized the pay of the soldiers at Manila
and Ternate, and has sent large reënforcements and supplies to the
latter region. Fajardo complains of the opposition and intrigues of the
religious. He desires the royal appointment of a governor for Ternate,
and the adjustment of certain difficulties connected therewith. He
is informed that this appointment has been already conferred on Pedro
de Heredia; and is advised not to allow the religious to interfere in
purely secular matters, especially in those which concern the conduct
of government officials, and to warn the religious orders to refrain
from meddling with these matters. Dutch pirates infest the China Sea,
plundering the Chinese trading ships when they can; but Fajardo is
able to save many of these by warning them beforehand of the danger,
and he has been able to keep them in awe of his own forces. He has
begun to have ships built in Japan for the Philippines, which can be
done there more conveniently and cheaply; the Council would like to
provide thus ships for the South American colonies.

The governor has many annoyances regarding the Audiencia, which
circumstances compel him to endure as best he can. He is directed to
check trading by government officials, and to punish those who are
guilty; and to do all that he can to obtain funds from the islands
for their expenses, by opening the mines of Luzón and trading-posts
in the Moluccas. In answer to his complaint that the auditors meddle
in judicial proceedings in the military department, he is informed
that they must observe the laws already enacted for such matters;
and is ordered to punish severely anyone who shall obstruct the course
of justice in the islands. Fajardo recounts various other annoyances
experienced at their hands--they claiming authority to restrict the
Chinese immigration, and the right to appoint certain minor officials;
and he regrets that the auditors should be all new at one time, and
so ignorant of their duties. He suggests that the king avail himself
of the abilities of Archbishop Serrano, in case of his own death or
other emergency requiring an _ad interim_ governor; and describes
the character of Auditor Rodriguez. The trials of persons involved
in the scandal at Sancta Potenciana have not pleased the governor,
some whom he regards as guilty having been acquitted. The official
inspection of the country, especially for the sake of the natives,
Fajardo has committed to Auditor Mesa, but the latter is unwilling
to undertake it. The Council order that no auditor shall shirk this
important duty. The governor mentions in detail various minor matters,
showing anxiety to act as the home government shall approve. He has
been ordered to reduce military salaries, but objects to this, and
enumerates the amounts paid to each officer. Directions for arranging
this reduction are given by the Council, as also for the governor's
management of expenses, etc., Fajardo makes recommendations as to
certain crown encomiendas, at present unproductive. This is approved
by the Council, who order him to prevent any unjust collections. He
commends certain officers as deserving rewards, and exonerates many of
the religious from the blame of harassing the Indians. He is able to
maintain amicable relations with the orders, especially by allowing the
religious to transact certain secular business for him; but he finds
them domineering and self-willed, and suggests that they cannot be kept
in order without some change in their present mode of government. He is
advised to check their arrogance, especially in their open and public
censures of their superiors, whether ecclesiastical or secular. He
relates his difficulties with Pedro Alvarez over the countersigning of
Sangley licenses. He has sent an expedition to attempt the opening of
mines in the Igorrote country--an undertaking in which he has received
the support and countenance of the religious orders. He commends the
Augustinian Recollects as not meddling in governmental affairs that do
not concern them, and offering to take distant missions. The tributary
Indians are peaceable, and appreciate with gratitude Fajardo's efforts
to relieve them from taxes and wrongs. One of their burdens has been
the erection of many churches--of which there are thirty, almost all
of stone, in Manila and its immediate vicinity alone. The Council
order that no religious house or church be hereafter erected without
the permission of both secular and ecclesiastical authorities. At the
end of Fajardo's letter are added certain comments and directions by
the Council. They are inclined to send reënforcements, supplies, and
merchandise to Filipinas via Panama, as Fajardo suggests, but direct
the vessels to return to Acapulco instead. Illicit participation
of government officials in trade shall be severely punished. The
official visitations recommended by the governor are to be made,
and the auditors are commanded to serve in this duty.

A letter from the king to Fajardo (December 13, 1620) answers previous
despatches from the latter. He commends Fajardo's proceedings in
discontinuing certain grants, and orders him to be careful in making
his reports, to maintain harmony in the Audiencia as far as possible,
to investigate the conduct of the auditor Legaspi, to correct with
vigor the scandals at Santa Potenciana, to enforce discipline in
the military department, and to maintain friendly relations with
Japan. Felipe returns thanks to the colonists for their loyalty
and services in public affairs, and to the Augustinian order in the
islands for their zeal in his service.

A document of especial interest and value is the _Memorial_ (Madrid,
1621) of Hernando de los Rios Coronel, long procurator-general of
the Philippine Islands. Introducing the work with a statement of
his coming to Spain as an envoy from "that entire kingdom and its
estates," he begins with an historical account of the discovery and
settlement of the islands, and the growth of the Spanish colony. The
earlier historical matter in Part I of the _Memorial_ is presented
to our readers in synopsis, as being largely a repetition of what
has already appeared in our former volumes. In chapter vii Los Rios
gives some account of the government of Juan de Silva, especially of
the latter's infatuation for shipbuilding, and its baneful effects
on the prosperity of both the colony and the natives. He recounts the
disastrous attempt to expel the Dutch by means of a joint Spanish and
Portuguese expedition (1615-16), and its ruin and Silva's death at
Malaca. Then he describes the opposition to Silva's schemes that had
arisen in Manila, where, although, he had a faction who supported his
ambitious projects, "all desired his absence." Los Rios cites part of
a letter from Geronimo de Silva to the governor, blaming the latter
for not going to Maluco, where he could have secured the submission
of the natives in all those islands; and urging him to do so as soon
as possible, as that is the only means of preserving the present
foothold of the Spanish. The Dutch fleet there sets out for Manila,
and, hearing in Mindanao of Silva's death, they concert plans with
the Moros for ravaging the Philippines. Part of the Moros are defeated
on the coast of Panay, but they meet with enough success to embolden
them to make further raids; these go unpunished by the Spaniards,
and thus the islands are being devastated and ruined. The Christian
and friendly Indians are at the mercy of these cruel foes, from whom
the Spaniards do not defend them; accordingly, they demand freedom
and arms, that they may defend themselves against the invaders. All
would revolt, were it not for the influence of the missionaries,
especially the Jesuits.

Los Rios makes complaint of the apathy, negligence, and blunders
exhibited by the governors of the islands in regard to their defense
from so many enemies, supporting his position with detailed accounts
of the damages thereby suffered in raids by the Dutch and Moros, and
failures to achieve success that was within the grasp of the Spaniards.

In the second part, Los Rios discusses "the importance of the
Filipinas, and the means for preserving them." He enumerates the
reasons why the crown of Spain should keep the islands, indicating a
curious mixture of worldly wisdom and missionary zeal; and refutes
the arguments of those persons who advocate the abandonment of the
Philippines, or its transfer to Portugal in exchange for Brazil. Los
Rios explains at length the desirability of retaining Manila, and its
importance and desirability as a commercial and military center, and
a check on the ambition of the Dutch. He then asserts that the money
sent to the islands by the Spanish government is mainly expended not on
the Philippines, but for the defense of the Moluccas; and he enumerates
the resources of the former, which but for that diversion would support
them without aid from the crown. He then enlarges upon the great wealth
which is found in the islands, especially in the gold mines of the
Igorrote country; and urges upon the king the necessity of developing
these mines, and of converting the Indians of that region. He asks
that the governors sent to the Philippines be better qualified for
that post; praises Gomez Perez Dasmariñas as being the best governor
of all who have ruled there; and describes the qualifications needed
for a good governor. Los Rios considers the measures that should be
taken for growth and preservation of the Philippines. He recommends
that a fleet be sent to aid and reënforce them. If that cost too much,
eight galleys should be sent to Ternate--a proposal which the writer
urges for many reasons, explaining in detail the way in which these
vessels could, at little cost, be made highly effective in checking the
Dutch. They could be manned by captive Moros and others taken in war,
or by negro slaves bought at Malacca. The third measure is one which he
"dare not write, for that is not expedient," but will explain it to the
king in person. Again he insists on the necessity of a competent and
qualified person as governor of the islands, enlarging upon the great
power and authority possessed by that official, and the consequent
dependence of all classes upon his arbitrary will or prejudices. Los
Rios cites various instances which prove his position, and expressly
states his good opinion of the present governor, Fajardo. He would
prefer to see the Audiencia abolished. A special inspector is needed,
with great experience and ability, and authority to regulate affairs
and redress all grievances in the islands. The immigration of Chinese
and Japanese into the colony should be restricted; and the Mindanao
pirates should be reduced to submission. The opening already made for
commerce and friendly relations with the king of Macassar, and for
preaching the gospel there, should be at once improved, and Jesuits
should be sent there as missionaries. More care should be exercised
to despatch with promptness the ships to Nueva España. More attention
should be given to the garrisons, especially those in the Moluccas,
to keep the men from discontent; and measures should be taken to
encourage and aid new colonists to settle in the Philippines. The late
restrictions on the possession and enjoyment of encomiendas should be
removed. A letter from Lucas de Vergara, commandant in Maluco, is here
inserted. He recounts the losses of the Dutch in their late attack
on Manila (1617), and their schemes for driving out the Spaniards
from the Moluccas; also his own difficulties in procuring food,
fortifying the posts under his care, and keeping up his troops who
are being decimated by sickness and death. He urges that the fleet
at Manila proceed at once to his succor, and thus prevent the Dutch
from securing this year's rich clove-harvest.

In the third part of the _Memorial_, Los Rios gives a brief description
of the Philippines and the Moluccas, with interesting but somewhat
desultory information of their peoples and natural products, of the
Dutch factories, and of the produce and value of the clove trade. He
describes the custom of head-hunting among the Zambales, and advocates
their reduction to slavery as the only means of rendering the friendly
natives safe from their attacks. The numbers of encomiendas and their
tributarios, and of monasteries and religious, in the islands, are
stated, with the size and extent of Manila. All the natives are now
converted, except some tribes in Central Luzón. Los Rios describes
the Malucas Islands and others in their vicinity, and enumerates the
Dutch and Spanish forts therein; and proceeds to state the extent
and profits of the spice trade. He closes his memoir with an itemized
statement of the expenses incurred by the Spanish crown in maintaining
the forts at Tidore and Ternate. These amount yearly to nearly two
hundred and twenty thousand pesos.

In an appendix to this volume are presented several short papers
which constitute a brief epitome of early seventeenth-century
commerce in the Far East--entitled "Buying and selling prices of
Oriental products." Martin Castaños, procurator-general of Filipinas,
endeavors to show that the spices of Malucas and the silks of China,
handled through Manila, ought to bring the Spanish crown an annual net
income of nearly six million pesos. Another paper shows the extent and
value of the trade carried on with Japan by the Portuguese at Macao;
and another, the kind of commerce maintained by those enterprising
traders with the countries of southern Asia from the Moluccas to
Arabia. All these enumerate the various kinds of goods, the buying
and selling prices of most articles, the rate of profit, etc.

_The Editors_

September, 1904.





Documents of 1620



    Reforms needed in the Filipinas (concluded). Hernando de los Rios
    Coronel; [1619-20].
    Letter to Alonso de Escovar. Francisco de Otaço, S.J.; January 14.
    Decree ordering reforms in the friars' treatment of the
    Indians. Felipe III; May 29.
    Relation of events in the Philipinas Islands, 1619-20. [Unsigned];
    June 14.
    Compulsory service by the Indians. Pedro de Sant Pablo, O.S.F.;
    August 7.
    Letter from the Audiencia to Felipe III. Hieronimo Legaspi de
    Cheverria, and others; August 8.
    Letter to Felipe III. Alonso Fajardo de Tenza; August 15.
    Letter to Alonso Fajardo de Tenza. Felipe III; December 13.



_Sources_: All of these documents, except the second, fourth, and
eighth, are obtained from the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla. The
second and fourth are from the Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid;
and the eighth from the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid.

_Translations_: The second and fourth are translated by Herbert
E. Bolton, Ethel Z. Rather, and Mattie A. Austen, of the University
of Texas; the eighth by Robert W. Haight; and the remainder by James
A. Robertson.



Reforms Needed in the Filipinas (concluded)



Aid against the Dutch requested

Sire:

Hernando de los Rios Coronel, procurator-general of the Filipinas
Islands and of all their estates, declares that he came the past
year to inform your Majesty and your royal Council of the Indias,
in the name of those islands, of the desperate condition to which the
Dutch enemy have brought them. Desiring that your Majesty understand
the importance of the matter, he gave you a long printed relation in
which he discussed points important for their recovery from the enemy
and the expulsion of the latter from that archipelago. Your Majesty,
upon seeing it, ordered a fleet to be prepared; but that fleet was so
unfortunate as to be lost before beginning its voyage. Although your
Council of the Indias is discussing the formation of another fleet to
sail by way of the Strait of Magallanes, or by the new strait [_i.e._,
of Le Maire], it cannot, if it leaves here any time in July (which is
the earliest time when it can be sent from España) possibly arrive
[at Filipinas] until one and one-half years from now--or a little
less, if it has no bad luck. Now considering the watchfulness of the
enemy, and the forces that they are sending this year, namely, forty
ships, which have left Olanda--whence can be inferred the importance
to them of making themselves masters of those regions, since they
are so persistent in their efforts, and incur so heavy expenses--he
[_i.e._, Los Rios] advises you for the discharge of his conscience,
and his obligation, and his duty as a good vassal of your Majesty,
that there is urgent need that, notwithstanding the relief that your
Council of the Indias is about to despatch by way of the straits,
other help be furnished from Nueva España and Piru; of both men and
money, and to employ this [aid from España] with as great care as the
gravity of the matter requires, and to realize the fact that, were it
lost, both Eastern and Western India would be endangered. They would
be in great danger, as would also these kingdoms; for it would mean
to permit the enemy to become so powerful and so rich as all know
who are aware of the wealth of those regions. Besides, it would mean
the extinction of whatever Christian element is there, and would shut
the doors to the preaching of the gospel, which your Majesty and your
ancestors have procured with so great glory and so many expenses. [That
relief of Nueva España and Piru should be prepared] also, for if the
relief [from España] should suffer an equal disaster with the last,
and that country could not be succored, it would all be lost.

I petition your Majesty to order that this matter be considered,
as a matter of so great importance; and that your president of the
Indias call a conference of those most experienced in the Indias,
so that they may discuss what measures can be taken most fitting for
the relief of that country, and as speedily as possible, where he
[_i.e._, Los Rios] will also declare the measures that occur to him.

[_Endorsed_: "To the president of the Indias. Examined, in the meeting
of April 7, 620."]



Treatise on the navigation of Filipinas, reduced to four chapters

Sire:

Your Majesty orders me to declare my opinion in regard to the
navigation from España to the Philipinas and Malucas Islands, from
them to España, the mutual navigation between those island groups; and
the seasons suitable for such navigation. In obedience to your royal
order, I declare, Sire, that the propositions cover four principal
points, each of which I shall explain in order. [The original document
contains a marginal abstract of each of the four points that follow;
but these abstracts are here omitted.]

_First point_. This point contains in brief the substance of all
the others. In explaining it, I declare that the navigations from
these kingdoms to those islands are so worthy of consideration, and
so important, that no others in the world at this time are equal to
them. For the drugs, fragrant gums, spices, precious stones, and silks
that the Dutch enemy and their allies bring thence--obtained partly
by pillaging, and partly by trading in their forts and factories
which they own throughout that archipelago--amount, as they do at
present, to five millions [of pesos] annually. It has been stated
how paramount is this undertaking to any others that can today be
attempted; for besides the spiritual injury inflicted by those
heretical pirates among all that multitude [of heathen peoples]
(which I think the universal Master has delivered to your Majesty so
that you may cultivate it and cleanse it for His celestial granaries),
it is quite certain--since the enemy are collecting annually so large
a mass of wealth; and since the sinews of war consist in that, both
for attack and defense--that they are acquiring and will continue
to acquire those riches daily, with greater forces. And, as they
continue to increase in strength, their ambitious designs will also
extend further. In the same degree as the enemy grows stronger, it is
certain that our forces will continue to decrease--and so much that,
if relief does not arrive there in time, the day will come in which
not one of your Majesty's vessels can be placed on the sea, because
of the many that the enemy will have there. Inasmuch as there is no
one in the world today who can oppose the enemy except your Majesty,
they hate our interests with all their strength, and will attempt to
destroy and ruin them by all possible methods.

The method of preventing all those most considerable troubles is the
one that your Majesty is attempting, by despatching the eight vessels
that you are sending under color of reënforcements--and would that
it had been with a fleet of sixteen vessels, each one of which would
carry three hundred sailors and soldiers and be very well armed with
artillery. For with that the rest [of the enemy's forces] would be
driven away, and that crowd of thieves, who are becoming arrogant
and enriching themselves--so much to the cost of our holy religion,
of your Majesty's reputation and prestige, and of your most loyal
vassals, by disturbing your Majesty's most holy designs--would be
forced from those seas and even from these. For it is very certain
that if that [trade] be taken away, the enemy would have no resources
with which they could preserve themselves; while if your Majesty has
all that profit--as beyond doubt, God helping (for whose honor it is
being done), you will have it, by encouraging your royal forces and
by enforcing your holy purposes--all the heads of that many-headed
serpent of the enemy will be destroyed.

Inasmuch as it is proper for us who, like myself, are zealous for
your royal service, let us hasten on that service, by as many roads
as God makes known to us. I declare, Sire, that in order to encourage
those most loyal though most afflicted vassals whom your Majesty
has now in Manila, it is advisable for the present reënforcement to
be sent; and that its route be by the shortest path and the one of
least risk--namely, by way of the Cape of Buena Esperança; not only
is the weather more favorable in that route, but it passes through
less longitude.

I mention the weather, for from this time on the weather is favorable,
as was determined in a general council of experienced pilots of all
nations that was held at Manila by Governor Don Juan de Silva. [I
mention] also the longitude, because the time taken to go by the
above route is known--namely (to one who follows his course without
making fruitless stops) seven months; which, counted from the first
of December, places the arrival there at the end of June.

Some one may object to all this by saying that the intention is to
import this relief into Manila, so that all that region may not be
lost; and that, if it shall go by that route [_i.e._, of the Cape], it
runs the risk of meeting the enemy and of being lost, and incidentally
that all that region [of Filipinas] will remain in its present danger,
and even greater, because of your Majesty's resources being wasted,
and the necessity of getting together a new relief expedition--but
[such objector would say], if this relief be sent by another route
all those troubles will be obviated and the purpose attained. I answer
that objection by saying: First, that eight vessels are not so weak a
force that they should fear those of the enemy who, on their homeward
trip--inasmuch as they do not fear along that route any encounter that
will harm them--come laden with their goods, in great security, and
carelessly; and they have at best only two or three galleons, while our
eight galleys, ready and prepared for fighting, not only have nothing
to fear, but can from the start expect the victory, in case they meet
the enemy. Second, for this reason, if once our galleons cause the
enemy loss in the chief thing that takes the latter there, namely,
trade, they will have to diminish their forces, and will lose credit
with their backers. Hence I infer that not only should this route and
[possible] encounter not be avoided, but that express orders be given
to the commander of this relief expedition to follow the routes taken
by the enemy and to reconnoiter their chief factory of Batan, which is
not fortified. For if God permits him to find and destroy that place,
many and very important results will follow: First, that immediately
word will be passed to all those nations--who love changes and cry
"long live" to the conqueror--and they will lose the little affection
that they have for the enemy at present; while they will incline toward
and join us, turning against our enemy, as they have promised. Second,
that our soldiers, flushed with the beginnings of victory, will be
worth after that for other victories just twice as much; nor will they
be without military discipline for the first victory, for the Spanish
infantry begins its military duty from the day when it establishes
its camp, and daily becomes more valuable. Third, inasmuch as when the
vessels of this relief expedition reach Manila, they will necessarily
arrive there in need of rest, and already the enemy will be warned to
resist whatever sally they try to make, that which will now be made
against them with eight vessels cannot later be made against them
with many more. Fourth, because, on the journey they will lay down the
complete and fixed route that should be taken by that course, so that
your Majesty's fleets may go and come as do those of the enemy. Fifth,
because the enemy are at present not only not sending any fleet to
those regions, but are obliged to collect their forces in order to
resist those of your Majesty in their own territory, because of the
expiration of the truce. [1] Consequently the attempt must be made
to inflict all the damage possible on the enemy during these years,
until they are driven entirely out of the Orient and your Majesty
becomes lord of it all. For if that result be once accomplished, the
fruits of that victory will allow sufficient fleets to be maintained,
both in these seas and in those, for the defense and conservation of
that region and much more. Moreover, in order to check the enemy and
to remove completely from their eyes this illusion that has given and
gives them so strong a belief that your Majesty's forces are exhausted
by the large sums that you have spent in protecting our holy religion,
I declare, Sire, that an effective plan occurs to me whereby this
matter may be concluded without the expense of one single maravedi
from your royal treasury. This is, that loans be asked from the rich
and wealthy persons in the provinces of Nueva España and Peru (for
there are many such), until you have two millions [of pesos]. Your
Majesty can prepare a large fleet with that sum, and will finish with
the enemy once for all. The vassals of those kingdoms will give that
loan cheerfully if you ask it, proportioning to each one the amount in
accordance with what he can give without inconveniencing himself. For
they are also greatly interested in this matter; and the payment will
be easily made, if the result be thus attained. With that money, it
would be best to go to Yndia to build the fleet; for there it can be
built better and at a less cost than anywhere else.

_Second point_. In order to return from those islands to España,
it will be advisable to come but lightly laden, and well provided
with arms, in order to withstand any encounter with the enemy; and
that they follow the same route that is taken by the Dutch, or by
the fleets of Portugal, for by no other route can the voyage be made
so quickly as by that route--considering that, if one wishes to come
by way of Nueva España (which is the shortest course except that by
the Cape of Buena Esperança), the voyage from Manila to Acapulco will
last five or six months, even with favorable weather. Arrived there
it is necessary to cross from one sea to the other over one hundred
and sixty leguas of very bad road, and then to sail for another three
months before reaching España; and the vessels must wait from January,
the time when they arrive from Philipinas, until June, when they
embark for España. In all more than thirteen months will be spent
in the voyage. In case that one should prefer to come not by way
of Nueva España, but by the Strait of Magallanes or that of Mayre,
the delay is equal or greater, and the food will of necessity spoil
and the men die; for the food of Manila, as that is a hot country,
very soon spoils and rots.

_Third point_. The voyages from Manila to Terrenate are three hundred
leguas, or a trifle more or less; and those from Manila to Malaca a
trifle more than four hundred.

_Fourth point_. The seasons required for those voyages are as follows:
To go from España to Philippinas it is advisable to sail from España
after the sun passes the equator in the direction of the Tropic of
Capricorn, namely, from September twenty-third on; for, since one must
mount to thirty-five degrees of latitude in the southern hemisphere,
it is advisable to be in that hemisphere when the sun by its presence
has put to flight the furies of the winds of those seas, since even
with that care that Cape of Buena Esperança bears the reputation of a
stormy headland: In order to return, one would better, for the same
reasons, sail from Manila during the time when the sun is still in
the southern hemisphere, if he has to double the Cape.

The suitable time to sail from Manila to Terrenate is when the winds
in those seas are blowing from the north (because Manila lies almost
due north of Terrenate), namely, during November and December. The
same season is suitable to sail to Malaca, as Manila lies almost due
northeast of Malaca. For that voyage the brisas that set in in January
are also favorable. The return trips from Maluco and Malaca to Manila
are during the season of the winds from the south and the vendavals,
which generally begin, the winds from the south by the middle of May
on, and the vendavals during June, July, and August, etc.

I petition your Majesty to deign to honor this humble service as such,
by the benignity of your royal sight, so that I may gain strength to
serve you to the measure of my desires.

[_Endorsed_: "Juan de Sigura Manrrique. Have each point abstracted,
so that it may be attended to in the Council." _In another hand_:
"Abstracted." "Examined."]





Letter from Francisco de Otaço, S.J., to Father Alonso de Escovar

_Pax Christi, etc_.

I have been urging Father Figueroa about the efforts to be made in
regard to that grant of money, and he always replies with regret
that other measures must first be taken in Sevilla, as he has written
to your Reverence. For my part, I must bring this matter to a head;
for I have been much grieved by what your Reverence recently told me
to the effect that they will charge to that poor province the four
hundred ducados paid for provisioning the fathers. Your Reverence
may be assured that I cannot permit the departure in the fleet,
if the cost is to be charged in this way. I supposed that the going
of Father Bilbao and his companions would be at the expense of his
Majesty, as it has always been.

I am now writing to Father Simon Cota that I have received that amount
from your Reverence; and although by means of your order I have paid
the debt already contracted, and have also funds to defray immediate
expenses that cannot be avoided, yet, for the needs that are certain
to arise in the future, I shall require help to the amount of more
than two thousand reals, because it is better that I should have too
much than too little. And things are so expensive in all this country
of Spain, that to collect and convey the fathers to Sevilla will cost
even more than the sum I estimate. Your Reverence will kindly send
the amount to me at the time and in the manner most convenient.

Sad was the news that yesterday came to this court concerning the
loss of our fleet, [2] and such has been the grief that I do not
know how to describe it to your Reverence. The president wept like
a child, more especially because, to make this news worse, other
bad news came from Flandes at the same time; this information was
that the Hollander was setting out, or had already set out, with his
twenty-five galleons. The president himself told this. He already
considers our possessions in Philippinas and Yndias as lost; for it
seems as if courage has deserted these men, and that no means for
further aid remain. May God our Lord forbid this, and encourage them,
in order that they may take heart in this difficulty, that valor and
fortitude may be shown in the cause of God our Lord and of the king,
and that the enemy may not prevail. There is no lack of people who are
already encouraged, and are seeking remedies and forming plans. Your
Reverence will kindly inform me of such plans as may occur to you,
for those who are trying to give courage in this emergency desire
light on all projects.

The loss of our fleet is known here only in a general way. Your
Reverence will please give me all the particulars, and inform me
whether our Lord took our fathers unto Himself, which we much fear
from the reports. Still, because their death has not been verified or
related in detail, the masses which should be said in this province
for Father Bilbao, in the other two provinces for their two fathers,
and in the province of Philippinas for all three, have not been
ordered. I, for my part, have many to say for them if dead--or if
alive, in case our Lord has spared them. It has also been said that
the cargo of the flagship floated ashore. I hope that our boxes of
books which were in it were spared, for, so far as such things are
concerned, I feel the loss of them greatly, although their loss is not
to be mentioned in connection with that of our fathers. If the Divine
Majesty has chosen to inflict this heavy blow upon us, _supra modu,
sed domini sumos et iustos est et rectu iudiciu eius_. [3] Such a
fleet, and so well adapted for the grand service of God! And those
three apostolic men, going with such zeal--if in such a cause, they
have already ended in a death resembling martyrdom, blessed be the
Lord! From here the authorities sent some person, I know not whom,
as comissary to recover what was lost from the flagship which ran
ashore. Your Reverence, being near, will know whether any particular
measure is necessary for our interests, etc.

When your Reverence remits the money spoken of above, do not send it
through our Father Figueroa. For, although he assures me that the last
order is good, since it has been acknowledged, yet he asks for forty
days' time, which is very long. I say this because to your Reverence I
may speak freely and confidentially, for you know the good father. I
have already determined not to trouble Father Figueroa about my own
money, because I drew it for my private expenses, and it must be used
in this way only, as I told him before I went to Rome. He now charges
to me items of expense not conformable to this arrangement, although
justified from his standpoint--for the good father is a saint and most
faithful in everything, though not very prompt or skilful in accounts
and correspondence, as is well known. Because I have written at length,
and more especially because I am so disturbed by grief at the news,
I close this letter to your Reverence. May God guard your Reverence
as I desire.

The [_word illegible in MS_.] procrastinate here, and indicate that we
are bound to have contests and wrangling with our fathers, wherefore
there is much to fear lest they delay me, and frustrate my plans to go
with a few [religious]. Now, too, with what has befallen the fleet,
I think that these lords must perforce undertake the preparation
of another large one, to go via the Strait, and that people there
will desire us to come. I am prudent and on the lookout, and will
promptly inform your Reverence of everything; for to you I always
look for advice, light, and strong support in the Father. Madrid,
January 14, 1620.

+

_Francisco de Otaço_






Decree Ordering Reforms in the Friars' Treatment of the Indians


The King: To the president and auditors of my royal Audiencia which
resides in the city of Manila of the Philipinas Islands. I have been
informed of great transgressions committed by certain religious in
making repartimientos for their works on the Indians; and that the
religious take, for their support, from the natives their fowls and
other food at less [than the just] price, and practice on them injuries
and annoyances for their own gains. And inasmuch as it is advisable to
correct this, by ordering that the religious shall not use the Indians,
unless they pay them their just wage; and that, except by license of
you my governor, they shall not make repartimientos on the Indians
or oblige them to render service: therefore, my royal Council of the
Indias having examined the matter, I have considered it fitting to
have the present issued, by which I order you to attend to the above
matter in the assembly of the Audiencia there. And in what concerns my
royal patronage, my royal fiscal of my Audiencia shall prosecute as he
may deem best, so that those impositions and injuries may cease. The
visitors and corregidors of the districts shall take especial care to
prohibit them, and shall reform those who shall be guilty. By virtue
of the contents of this my decree, you shall despatch an order to
the said religious, so that they shall, under no circumstances,
inflict such injuries upon their parishioners. This likewise do I
charge upon the archbishop and bishops of those islands, and on the
provincials of the orders therein. Issued in Madrid, May twenty-nine,
one thousand six hundred and twenty.

_I The King_

Countersigned by Pedro de Ledesma, and signed by the Council.

[_Note at beginning of MS_.: "Procurator for the Indians of
Philipinas. To the Audiencia of Philipinas, in respect to redress
for the wrongs committed by the religious on the Indians."]





Relation of Events in the Philipinas Islands and Neighboring Provinces
and Kingdoms, from July, 1619, to July, 1620


In the same style and order in which I last year reported the various
events in the Philipinas Islands, and in neighboring kingdoms and
provinces upon which the welfare of the Philipinas depends, I will
now write what has happened this year. There have not been so many
and various warlike occurrences as in former years, for it has been
somewhat more peaceful here. I will relate briefly what has happened
as occasion may require.


Of Great China

Although last year I gave an account of the war which the Chinese
were carrying on with the Tartars, I will now return to this point,
because we have received letters from our fathers in China. To begin
with the earliest events, there was in the province of Teatum, [4] one
of the provinces of Great China adjoining Tartaria, a powerful eunuch
who collected taxes in the name of the king, and who had some seventy
servants in his following. They committed a thousand robberies and
tyrannies among the people. The mandarins who governed that district
reported this to the king. He ordered them to bring the eunuch in
custody to Tiquin, where he is still in prison. The eunuch's servants
were hunted by the mandarins in order that they might be given the
punishment they deserved for their crimes; but they, with many other
Chinese, fled to the Tartars, whom they begged and persuaded to invade
and destroy China, offering themselves to serve as guides. It was not
difficult to induce the Tartars to do this, since for other reasons
they were already angry with the Chinese. So they planned that these
Chinese traitors and some Tartars should go with concealed weapons,
and in the guise of friends, to a certain place. They went there, and
one night suddenly seized their arms, killed the greater part of the
soldiers, sacked the place, and, pretending to flee, withdrew with the
spoils. They left a great number of people in ambush, in the woods. The
Chinese viceroy of that district, learning of the affair, immediately
sent a large body of soldiers who are always on duty there. The troops
pursued the Tartars, but unexpectedly fell into the ambush and were
completely routed. When the Tartars saw that they were victorious,
they returned to the fort and destroyed it. When this was learned in
Paquin the mandarins came together to discuss with the king some means
of redress. As the king did not wish to see them he simply ordered that
they should consult among themselves and then report everything to
him. Now the Tartars sacked and destroyed some other smaller forts,
as well as one very important stronghold called Sin Hon [_i.e._,
Tsingho]. From this point they made their forays through the whole
of that district, and sacked a large part of it.

The decision reached in the consultation by the mandarins was that the
king should order all the noted captains who were not holding office,
and who had retired to their homes, to come to the court; that a
large number of soldiers should come from all the provinces to lend
aid and to meet the demands of the occasion; and that the mandarins
who were for various reasons at their homes should come to the court
of Paquin. All this was soon carried out by the king's order. He
likewise commanded that heavy taxes should be gathered for supplying
the soldiers; that a large number of horses should be collected;
land that the tuton, or the viceroy of that district, should be
imprisoned. He sent another viceroy in his place with extensive powers,
even with authority to put to death the chief captains who, on account
of their fear, were contemplating flight. He sent other mandarins
of great executive ability and prudence to help the viceroy; and,
in order to prevent excitement among the people, he ordered that the
students [_letrados_] [5] of the district should not come that year,
as usual, to the court for examination and graduation as licentiates,
but promised them their degrees for the following year. In addition
to this, he ordered that the news from Leatum should not be divulged
to the people. Although the gates of the city of Paquin and those of
the royal palace had always had a strong guard of soldiers, he doubled
the guard and closed the gates at sunset. And although, according to
the custom of the Chinese, people could enter wearing spectacles and
a mask, now, as a greater precaution, when one came through the gates
of the city they made him show his face, in order that they might
know whether he was a friend or not, and in order that enemies might
not come into the city unperceived. All this has been brought about
by their fear. The king likewise ordered that four hundred thousand
soldiers should be stationed at different places and posts of the
province of Leatum to impede the passage of the Tartars. The Corias,
who were subject to China, sent the king seven hundred horses as a
present, and ten thousand infantry to help in the war.

The western Tartars, hearing of the good fortune of the eastern
Tartars, came upon invitation to the aid of the latter, but were
defeated by the Chinese. Another neighboring nation also came for the
same purpose, but they were bought off by the Chinese with a great
amount of silver, and so they returned to their homes satisfied.

Finally, the best captains joined together to act upon this matter. But
their efforts were quite unsuccessful, because, when they entered
further into the interior of Tartaria than was safe, the Tartars,
awaiting a good opportunity, fired into them on all sides, wounded and
killed the most celebrated Chinese captains, and destroyed almost all
of the army that was there last year, 1619. It is a common saying in
China that all the brave people died at this time, and that if now
the Tartar should come he would meet with no resistance, and that
he could easily make himself master of everything. It is estimated
that the total number killed, part of whom died by the sword,
part from unbearable cold, part from hunger, and part from lack of
other necessaries, reaches three hundred thousand. But this loss is
insignificant to a people who are so numerous as the Chinese are today.

At the beginning of that year, 1619, the king of these Tartars--who is
even now styled king of Paquin, just as if he had already conquered it
[6]--sent to the king of China a memorial of complaints against the
Chinese, reciting in it reasons for his revolt (for it must be supposed
that he was formerly in a certain way subject). These reasons I will
briefly state. 1st, because some years ago the Chinese had killed his
grandfather; 2d, because, when he was at war with the northern Tartars,
the Chinese aided them against him; 3d, because the Chinese had often
gone into his country to plunder, and had captured some people,
and, when he had made complaints of this injury to the mandarins
of Leatum, they had contented themselves with degrading [_acortar_]
the delinquents, whereas they well deserved death; 4th, because the
Chinese had broken up a marriage for which he was making arrangements
with the northern Tartars, a rupture which he deeply felt; 5th, because
the Chinese had destroyed the grain-fields that his people had near the
great walls, the strong ramparts that divide the two kingdoms, and had
driven off a great quantity of stock that his people also had there;
6th, because the Chinese had induced other Tartars, his enemies, to
write him some very offensive letters; and, 7th, because in different
wars the Chinese of Leatum had aided his enemies, although this was
without the knowledge of the king of China. Wherefore he asked that
the Chinese king should order the people of Leatum to be punished
as their crimes merited, and threatened that if this were not done
he would take the punishment into his own hands, as he had, indeed,
already begun to do.

The king of China made no answer to this memorial, for both he and
the mandarins think that they have not broken any of the agreements
entered into with the Tartars, and that all that the Tartars say
is false--except that they admit that they killed the Tartar king's
grandfather, but only because he had been caught robbing in the Chinese
territory. It is known that since this occurred bloody war has gone on
between these two populous and powerful nations; that the Tartars have
always gained the advantage therein; and that if they had so desired
they could have come to the very gates of the court of Paquin, since
fear has taken such hold upon the Chinese that they have closed all
the gates of the city, except one which they use, and have made another
wall completely encircling the one that was already around the city.

The persecution against the Christians and against our Society which
has been going on in China during the past years is now mild. Hence
people are being converted to Christianity as formerly; and our fathers
are safe, for a great mandarin presented to the king a memorial in
our favor, in which he refuted the calumnies that a powerful enemy
of ours had launched against us, and that had been the cause of this
persecution. And, although the king made no answer, by his silence he
consents to our fathers' remaining in China, for it was asked in the
memorial that our fathers should not leave that kingdom; and since
the mandarins know that the king has seen the memorial, and that he
tacitly consents to it, they also, are satisfied with it. As this same
memorial has been circulated throughout the whole of China, everybody
has learned of our innocence and of the excellence of the law of God,
which was dwelt upon at length in the memorial. Accordingly, as they
inform us from here, a great number of literâti and mandarins have
become friendly toward Ours, and wish them to spread the holy gospel
to the most interior parts of China. Hence it is believed that from
this time on our holy law will take deeper root in this kingdom.

The bishop of Japon, Don Diego Valente, of our Society, came this
year to Macan, where he is detained because of the bloody persecution
in Japon. Because of the persecution, also, Father Matos, [7] who
went to Rome as procurator and took a number of our men for Japon,
left part of them in India; while ten who went with him to Macan have
been detained there.

Father Nicolas Trigaucio [8] went to China as procurator, and returned
this year with some of Ours. Some of them, for reasons unknown to me,
he left in India, and seven he took with him to Macan.

Of the members who came with these two father procurators, five died
during the trip over, after leaving Lisboa. But if the persecution
continues in Japon as it is at present, they will not be missed. Indeed
there will be too many of Ours, for even now there is so great a
number in Macan that it is often said that there is not standing-room
in our college.



Of the Kingdoms of Japon

I will begin my account of the affairs of this kingdom with the cruel
and bloody persecution against Christianity which is now at such a
height, and in which they put so many to death for the faith that,
to me, it seems a picture of what happened in the primitive church
during the early persecutions by the emperors. What I have said may
be realized from part of a letter dated in Nangasaqui October 14,
1619, from Father Matheo de Couros, [9] provincial of Japon, to
Father Valerio de Ledesma, provincial of these islands. Translated
from Portuguese into Spanish it is as follows: "In regard to news
from Japon I will not write you at length, since I understand that
the father visitor has done so. In temporal affairs everything is
quiet. Persecution of Christians has been and is very severe in Meaco,
where almost sixty are prisoners for the faith. Five or six of these
Christians died in prison there, thoroughly resigned to the divine
will. In this city of Nangasaqui there are twenty-eight imprisoned
for Christ, in three prisons. In Omura seven religious are imprisoned,
four of the Order of St. Dominic, one of the Order of St. Francis, and
two of our Society. With them are imprisoned ten other Christians. Of
the inhabitants of the same city of Omura three were martyred--Lino,
Pedro, and Thome--the first, because when he was guarding the prison
in which the religious I have mentioned were confined, he allowed too
much food to be given to the holy prisoners, as he was a Christian
at heart himself; the second, because from time to time he sent food
to them; and the third, because he carried the food. All three were
promised their lives if they would renounce our holy law; but they
chose rather to die, in order that they might live forever in heaven."

In another letter dated November 10, 1619, the same father writes:
"On the sixth of October, Meaco offered to heaven the richest gift
that has ever been seen in that great and populous city. The gift
consisted of fifty-four Christians, who were burned alive for the
faith of our Lord Jesus Christ. We have already written how there
was in the public prison at Meaco a large number of the faithful,
incarcerated because they would not bend the knee to Baal. Nine
of these died in the prison on account of the excessive labors and
hardships which they suffered there. They died thoroughly resigned to
the divine will, and rejoicing in their happy fate. When the emperor
came to the court of the Dayri, [10] the metropolis of the whole of
Japon, they told him of the imprisoned Christians; and since he is an
implacable enemy of our holy faith, he ordered that they should all be
burned alive. Thereupon twenty-six stakes were set up in a public place
in front of the temple of Daybut, a large and magnificent building,
at a distance from the river that flows by the place. On Sunday,
the sixth of October, they took the holy prisoners from the jail, not
sparing even the tender young girls nor the babes at their mothers'
breasts. They marched them through the principal streets of Meaco,
accompanied by a crier who announced that they had been condemned to
be burned alive because they were Christians. Most of the soldiers of
Jesus Christ were dressed in white, and their faces were so happy and
so resolute that the power of the divine grace which upheld them was
plainly shown. They encouraged one another for the trial, and with
great calmness bade good-by to the friends and acquaintances whom
they met along the way. From time to time they proclaimed aloud that
they were dying for the faith of our Lord Jesus Christ. When they had
come to the place where they were to offer their lives to the Lord
as an acceptable sacrifice, they appeared more joyful, as does one
who is about to gain the eternal reward. Two by two they were now
tied to the stakes, the women with their babes in their arms. Some
of our _daiicos_--people of our Society like lay brothers, who aid
us in preaching [11]--as well as other Christians who went to the
place to encourage the martyrs, were present. But the servants of
the Lord showed such remarkable strength that they really encouraged
the spectators. When the wood was finally set on fire, the majority
of these fortunate martyrs turned their eyes toward heaven, and,
without moving them in the least, remained in this posture after
death. During the first few days a strict watch was kept over the
blessed bodies to prevent the Christians from taking them away, but
through the efforts of our fathers who live in that city some have
already been recovered." So far I quote from the father provincial. To
this I will add some points taken from other letters and relations.

The above-mentioned father provincial is a strong pillar in Japon, and
an excellent interpreter. He is director of the Christian community
there, by virtue of a brief from his Holiness, which arrived last
year, and in which, it is ordered that in default of a bishop in
japon the provincial of the Society who may be in office at the
time shall rule that bishopric and Christian community. Therefore,
although the bishop has come; the provincial has governed up to
the present time, and continues to govern, because, as I have said,
conditions in Japon do not admit of the bishop's going there, since
it is feared that the situation may be aggravated and persecution
increased thereby. Consequently his Lordship is now in Macan.

About two years ago our father general appointed Father Francisco
Vieira as visitor of Japon. He is a man already past sixty, and,
indeed, is nearing seventy; but in spite of this he is so vigorous
that when the persecution was at its height he, with great courage,
went from Macan to Japon. He was often in imminent danger of being
imprisoned. He took refuge in Canzuça, a place in the lands of Arima,
where he abode in a hut of straw. Here, on account of the hardships
he endured, he was frequently attacked by a kidney disease which
caused him great pain. Once he had so violent an attack that he sent
in great haste to get holy oil in order that he might take the holy
sacrament. Again the same disease, accompanied by a severe pain above
the heart, attacked him with such violence that he could scarcely
breathe. So he determined that extreme unction should be administered
to him; but, remembering that he had a written signature of our holy
father, he placed it with great devotion over his heart and commended
himself to the saint [12]--through whose merits the Lord caused the
pain to be assuaged within an hour, and he became entirely well. From
Canzuca the father visitor went to Nangasaqui, to take ship to return
to Macan. He was kindly received, and with due precaution taken into
the house of a certain Portuguese. But still he ran great risk of
being imprisoned by the servants of the heathen president, who were
searching for another religious, named Fray Bartholome Gutierrez,
of the Order of San Agustin, who was wearing the Spanish dress. They
suddenly entered three Portuguese houses, and the father visitor
scarcely had time to retire from one house to another. In short, the
labors and dangers that he suffered in Japon were great. But they
had no power to turn him from so glorious an undertaking until he
had been there fourteen months. During that time he had visited all
the Christians and all the posts that are ordinarily visited during
times of peace. He had to visit Macan, where most of our fathers were
taking refuge from the persecution; the missions of Cochin China, and
of China, where there was also persecution, were likewise under his
charge. Moreover, the bishop of Japon and the two procurators of China
and Japon, who were returning from Rome, had arrived at Macan. For
all these and other reasons he was obliged to leave Japon with great
grief in his heart, and even with copious tears. Accordingly, on the
twenty-sixth of October, 619, he embarked in a patache which went as
flagship of five galeotas. He finally reached Macan, where, a few
days after, on Christmas eve, he died. Father Geronimo Rodriguez,
who was there, and who had been appointed by our father general in
the private assignment, succeeded him in office.

Father Carlos Espinola, of our Society, is still in prison, waiting
each day for the crown. It has incurred to me to insert here a
letter which he wrote to the father provincial of this province of
Filipinas. It reads as follows:

"The Lord so ordained it that at midnight after St. Lucia's day I
was made a prisoner, together with Brother Ambrosio Fernandez, my
companion, and Domingo Jorge, a Portuguese at whose house we were
seized. The soldiers told us that they wished us to go on board a
ship that was about to sail for the city of Manila. On the one hand I
regretted this, because I was being driven from Japon, and was losing
a good opportunity to give my life for the service of God, which for
many years I had desired to do. On the other hand, I was delighted
because His most holy will was being fulfilled in me. We made a very
different voyage [from the one promised], for we were carried from
Nangasaqui to this prison of Omura, in company with two religious of
St. Dominic and three of our Japanese servants. They took us through
some of the streets of Nangasaqui and finally embarked us for this
place, handcuffed and with chains about our necks. It was daytime,
and all the city turned out to see the spectacle and to take leave
of us with cries and tears. Father Fray Thomas, of St. Dominic,
and father Fray Apolinar, of St. Francis, with six Japanese, had
already been here for some time. Here we are in great concord, just
as if we were of the same religious order. And although there is no
lack of suffering, because the house affords us but poor shelter,
and although at times the guards will not allow anything to come in
from outside except the little given us as rations (which is just
enough to starve on), yet at times it is ordered by the Lord, in His
fatherly care, that in the gifts sent us by the devout we have more
than we could desire. Above all, suffering for the love of God, and the
expectation of the happy fortune that may befall us, makes it all easy
to us and hardships a source of joy. I am most content with the favors
received, and, although I fear that because of my sins--because I have
not worked in this vineyard as I should have done, and because of my
great ingratitude for the many mercies that the Lord has bestowed upon
me--I have been driven from Japon as useless, still I console myself
that I have come to be manacled and imprisoned in the service of God,
which is no small mercy. I also trust that His Divine Majesty, who in
awarding these crowns sometimes does not consider the merits of men,
but in His infinite mercy bestows them generously, will consider it
right to reward this poor beggar as well as these holy religious that
deserve more than I. I beg that your Reverence, _in visceribus Iesu
Christi_, will help me to give due thanks to the Lord, _quod dignus
factus sim pro nomine Iesu contumeliam pati_, [13] and to obtain for
me my profession for this novitiate with holy sacrifices, etc. From
this prison of Omura, March 5, 1619. From your servant in the Lord,

_Carlos_, a prisoner for Christ."

This ends the letter of Father Carlos. I have nothing to add to it
except that this Domingo Jorge, whom he mentions therein, was burned
alive, in November, in Nangasaqui, because he sheltered preachers
of the holy gospel in his house. Brother Leonardo, a Japanese who
had been imprisoned for three years, and four others, were burned
with him. After this, eleven other Japanese were beheaded. Later on,
in January, 620, Brother Ambrosio Fernandez, a Portuguese who was
the companion of Father Carlos Espinola, died in jail from hunger,
and excessive cold, and the hardships and discomforts of the prison,
and thus gained the martyr's crown. He was seventy years old.

Although so many in Japon have thus become blessed martyrs, two persons
bent the knee to Baal and miserably recanted for fear of torture. A
Japanese religious who was in Rome and Spain, and who is now an
apostate, did the same thing. He often says that when he was in Madrid
he knew that certain religious were persuading the king to conquer
Japon, but that our fathers dissuaded him from this. He adds that,
although it is a fact that religion is our primary motive for entering
Japon, yet it is our intention through religion to prepare matters
for conquering the country. With this and other lies this apostate
has done great harm to Christianity. The governors and principal men
of Japon are so thoroughly convinced of our evil intentions that they
say that one of the principal reasons for keeping the Hollanders in
Japon is for their own greater security and to annoy us. They even
have begun to discuss the possibility of conquering the Filipinas,
in order not to have the Spaniards so near. On the other hand, it is
said that in Japon they are thinking of driving out all Europeans
from that kingdom--Spanish, Hollanders, Portuguese and English. If
this is done it will not be possible for any of our fathers to remain
there. At present they escape notice among other Europeans by wearing
European dress--I mean that of Castilians and Portuguese; but if the
Europeans are driven from Japon this will no longer be possible.

Passing from spiritual affairs to those temporal affairs of Japon that
concern these islands, let me say that on the twelfth of July, 619,
there arrived at Firando, a port of Japon designated for the trade of
the Hollanders, four of their ships, which, as I informed you last
year, have been off the coast of Manila. When our fleet prepared to
sally out, the Dutch ships withdrew in good order, carrying with
them a great many sick, beside the large number who had died from
disease and from an infection which they say was given them in Bigan,
a village on the coast of Manila. Since this is not known here, it must
be their own imagination. Many of their people were drowned, also. In
one ship which sank suddenly many people were drowned, among them a
large number of Japanese, who were brought from Japon in the service
of the Hollanders. These ships plundered nothing but three Chinese
vessels of little value, which were coming to this city. A ship and
a patache were sent from this coast of Manila to Maluco. It is well
known that the ship was lost on the same coast by running aground,
although the Hollanders hide the fact. The patache, driven by contrary
winds, soon put into harbor. It reached Firando on the fourteenth of
July; and as soon as it secured munitions, provisions, and people was
sent to wait for the Portuguese galeotas which were going from Macan
to Japon. But it was the Lord's will that it should not find them,
and so it returned to Firando. On October 3, however, it was sent to
Pulocondor [_i.e._, Condor Island], opposite Camboxa, with thirty men,
fourteen pieces of artillery, munitions and provisions, to search
for the crew and artillery of a ship that the Hollanders lost there.

On the twelfth of October of the same year, 619, another ship, greatly
injured and with its crew wounded and crippled, came to the same port
of Firando from Patane, on the further side of Malaca. It, with two
other Dutch ships, had fought, in the port of Patane, two English ships
that were there. Although anchored and unprepared, the latter fought to
the death, over the anchor-ropes. The smaller English vessel, seeing
that it could not defend itself, and that there was no help for it,
blew itself up by setting fire to the powder. The larger ship, when
nearly all the crew were dead, and the general himself had been killed
by a ball, was overcome and boarded by the Hollanders. They say that
they secured two hundred thousand pesos in that ship. It may be true,
but I do not vouch for that. Two Portuguese had gone from the shore,
on the preceding day, to see the English ships. They were seized by the
Hollanders, who carried them to Japon in the ship which I mentioned,
together with some Englishmen. When the prisoners reached Firando
they formed a plot and escaped to land in that kingdom, where all
the world is allowed.

The quantity of munitions and provisions which the Hollanders secure
every year from Japon for supplying all their fortifications is very
great, and therefore if they were not harbored there, it would be a
great injury to them and of much benefit to these islands.



Of the Islands of Maluco

With the lure of the cloves and drugs which are found in these Malucas
Islands, more and more ships from foreign nations are continually
coming to them; The French have built a factory in Macasar and have
at present four ships there. Between the English and the Hollanders
there is constant strife. In Jaba and Sumatra the English have twenty
galleons; the Dutch general set out for that place with sixteen
galleons which he had collected, but it is not known how the affair
has ended, although it is known that there has been war between the
two nations.

This year Don Luis de Bracamonte was sent from this city of Manila
as governor of the military posts in Maluco. He took with him two
galleys and four or five pataches, loaded with a great quantity of
supplies and more than two hundred infantry. When the galleys and the
pataches had entered our fortress of Terrenate, one of them, called the
"Sant Buena Ventura," remained behind as rearguard. A Dutch ship well
supplied with artillery attacked it, and in sight of our own fortress
overpowered it. Our galleys then sailed out and attacked the Dutch
ship; but the wind arose, and thus the enemy had an opportunity to
take shelter under their fortress at Malayo. This victory was felt
by us, because the enemy took from the patache a quantity of money,
three thousand fanegas of rice, and other provisions and munitions
belonging to his Majesty. The worst of all is that they took over
one hundred men--Spaniards and Indians--and the capture cost them
nothing. May God remedy this by giving us some great victory by means
of which the loss may be repaired.

On the way from India to Maluco two Portuguese galeotas encountered and
conquered a good Dutch ship loaded with cloth and other merchandise;
the Hollanders themselves escaped in the batel [_i.e._, launch]. In
the same way, one of our pataches took from the people of Terrenate
a ship loaded with provisions.



Of Eastern India

When Don Alonso Fajardo, governor of the Filipinas, saw the necessity
for having a strong fleet here for such troubles as might arise
with the Holland enemy, and that the impossibility of preparing it
here was as great as the necessity for it, he sent Captain Vidaña
to Eastern India to arrange with the viceroy that he should send
us some galleons to help us in the defense of this archipelago. At
the same time he sent the viceroy a very rich present, consisting of
various articles of great value. In return, the viceroy sent a very
costly present to our governor, and also an urca, which may prove
very useful when occasion arises, for it mounts twenty-four pieces
of artillery. Thereupon the captain returned to Filipinas, because
India will have little power to defend herself against her enemies,
even without dividing her small force with other kingdoms.



Of these Filipinas Islands

I will begin a discussion of this year's events in these islands
with an account of the solemn fiestas of the immaculate conception
of the holy Virgin. Let me say that these fiestas have been such that
in the grandeur with which they have been celebrated, Manila has not
been inferior to places in Europe and America. They lasted nineteen
days. Leaving aside the celebration by the laity--the bull-fights,
masquerades, etc., and the many illuminations and fireworks which
took place every night, and for which the Chinese are very famous--I
will describe only the ecclesiastical part. The festivities were held
[as a rule] in the cathedral. On the first day, which was Sunday,
December 8, they were celebrated there with great magnificence. In the
afternoon there was given a drama on the beauty of Rachel. On Monday
the religious of St. Francis held their fiesta in the same church. In
the morning one of the grandest processions ever seen in this vicinity
set out from their house for the cathedral. First came the whole force
of Manila in perfect order, the arquebusiers and musketeers firing
their pieces at intervals. Next came a rich standard bearing the image
of the conception of the Virgin, and at her feet Escoto [14] on his
knees, inscribed, _Dignare me laudare te_, etc. After the standard,
which was borne by the father guardian, came a lay friar called Fray
Junipero--who, like the other, is regarded as a holy and simple man;
he was dancing, and calling out a thousand silly phrases about divine
things. [15] Now followed banners, crosses, and candlesticks. After
these came on floats eight saints of this order, so richly adorned that
the people did not know whether to marvel most that there should be
so large a quantity of gold, jewels, and precious stones in Manila,
or that the fathers should have collected so many of them. These
saints were accompanied by eight groups of Indian dancers--one with
each saint, and each with its own device. One represented canons,
one cardinals, another pastors, etc. The last sang while dancing. The
intercalary stanza was:



    Now we can speak aloud,
        And without fear;
    We can cry aloud to all the world,
        Without misgiving.


The dancers repeated this aloud three times, and then danced with
their timbrels in their hands until they were exhausted. Last of all
came the most holy Virgin of the conception. The procession reached
the cathedral and the fiesta was held. In the afternoon they presented
a very devout drama, on the martyrs of Japon.

On Tuesday the fiesta of St. Augustine began. In the morning this
order likewise had a very grand procession, in which the soldiery
led, as on Monday. There were many dancers, etc. In the afternoon
there were balls, Indian dances [_mitotes_], and a thousand other
lesser amusements.

On Wednesday we of the Society began our festivities; and, although we
had no procession, as is our custom, the celebration at night was by
no means inferior. On the contrary, there was burned a great quantity
of illuminations--rockets, bombs, and other fireworks. Our people
played a thousand musical instruments. During the day we held mass,
in our impressive manner, and then had a sermon; and in the afternoon
we presented a remarkable drama on the conception. All the people
said they had never seen anything like it.

On Thursday the fiesta was again held in the cathedral. In the
afternoon there was another drama, about the sale of Joseph.

On Friday the Augustinian Recoletos began their fiesta. In the
morning there was a great procession. First came all the soldiery--not
only the regular troops, as was the case on former days, but all the
companies composed of citizens of this city as well. Master-of-camp Don
Geronimo de Silva, who was on horseback, commanded the troops. After
the soldiery followed a very fine procession. In the afternoon was
presented the drama of the Prince of Transilvania, in which they
brought out our father assistant, Alonso Carrillo, in a long taffeta
robe and a linen frill with points. In order to announce who he was,
a person who took part in the drama said, "This is one of those who
there are called Jesuits, and here we name Theatins." [16]

On Saturday there were two fiestas. One was held in the cathedral, as
the preceding ones had been, while the other was at our house--where
it seemed expedient to hold it in order that the cathedral and the
religious of St. Francis should not monopolize the entire celebration,
and acquire such a right for the future. That night there were
many more illuminations and fireworks than there had been on the
previous Wednesday. At nightfall our collegians of San Joseph formed
a procession remarkable enough to have appeared in Madrid. At the head
were three triumphal chariots. In the first were the clarion-players;
in the second the singers, singing motets and ballads; and in the
third various musical instruments--harps, guitars, rebecks, etc. Next
came the standard of the immaculate conception, carried by Don Luis
Faxardo, a student and a brother of the governor. At his side came Don
Geronimo de Silva, master-of-camp and general of the artillery, and
Don Fernando Centene, general of the galleys. Then came the alcaldes,
the regidors, and other gentlemen, all on horseback and very richly
dressed. These were followed by all the collegians, also on horseback
two by two, wearing their usual robes of brown silk with facings made
of fine scarlet cloth, and with shoulder-stripes of lace. Their caps
were a blaze of gold and precious stones. About their necks they
all wore many chains and jewels. Each of the prominent nobility of
the city had ahead of him, as a body-guard, six or eight servants,
with large tapers of white wax in their hands. They carried staffs
having upon them large placards with various pictures, letters, and
hieroglyphics, all appropriate to the occasion. Next came a very
prominent collegian carrying a staff. Upon it was a placard with
the oath (which they took the following day) always to defend the
immaculate conception of the most holy Virgin. Finally came a very
beautiful triumphal chariot drawn by two savages, and decorated with
many arches of flowers and gilded figures of angels. In the midst of
these and among a great number of lights went, enthroned, a beautiful
carved figure of our Lady of the Conception. Before the chariot was
a band of clarion-players. They followed eight children dressed in
silk garments and carrying silver candles. They represented angels
with candles in their hands, singing and reciting in praise of the
Virgin. After the chariot came Original Sin, tied with a chain, and
so well made up for his part that he became a mark for the blows and
pinches of the people. Next day there was another very magnificent
fiesta, in which a dance was given by more than sixty Japanese,
who danced and sang to the accompaniment of various instruments,
according to their custom.

After this, on Sunday, the Order of St. Francis began their eight-day
fiesta. Another was held at the port of Cavite, in which, as in
Manila, all the orders took part--except one, which during all
this time did not leave its house, enter the cathedral, nor display
illuminations. About this there was no lack of gossiping in the city.

The effects of last year's comets have been very frightful this year,
especially in two provinces of the Filipinas, Ilocos and Cagayan--the
former of which is entirely under the instruction of the fathers of
St. Augustine. The earthquakes in Ilocos have been so violent and so
continuous that the people have gone about with severe headaches, as
if seasick. At noon on St. Andrew's day, in the village of Batano,
the church, the house, and the granary (a very substantial one)
fell because of the vibrations. The friars cast themselves from
the windows and thus escaped with their lives, although they were
badly injured. In Dinglas a large portion of the church fell, and the
prior of the convent leaped through a window. In Sinai the church was
overturned Great cracks have opened up in the ground in which men fall,
but only one has lost his life in this way. In the mountains of Bigan
two distant ranges came together and caught between them two heathen
villages. All the people were buried, only one man escaping. In the
province of Cagayan, which is included within the island of Manila
and which is under the instruction of the fathers of St. Dominic,
the earthquakes were even more horrible. On the same day, that of
St. Andrew, it seemed that the prophecy of the Evangel had come
true. On the following day, which was the day of Judgment, the earth
tossed the people with such violence that men were not able to keep
their seats; and they walked about as dizzy and as dazed as if they
were intoxicated. In Nueva Segovia, the capital of that province,
the church was demolished, as well as a part of the convent, which
was a very handsome and substantial structure built entirely of
stone. The religious there were injured, although all escaped in
different directions with their lives; only two boys perished. The
same thing happened in the church of St. Vincent of Tocolano, which
also had very strong walls. Many other temples and stone buildings
in this province likewise fell; but in order to make my story short,
I will not mention them separately. Large forests were overthrown;
great springs opened up; rivers changed their courses; and many other
very strange things occurred.

The island of Jolo was at one time subject to the king [of Spain],
but some years ago it rebelled; and now its natives, in company with
some other enemies of ours, the people of Mindanao, go about with
little fleets committing robberies upon these seas and doing all the
damage in their power. This year they set out with only three caracoas,
ships something like galleys. But when they discovered that an armed
fleet of caracoas, which had been equipped in the city of Zebu,
had set out on the eleventh of November in search of them, and that
another fleet had set out from Oton on the same quest, they returned
to their own country, having committed almost no damage except that
they captured some three Spaniards--of whom, they say, they killed two.

This year there was completed in these islands one of the strongest
and most remarkable galleons ever built here. It was at once equipped,
along with another very large galleon, two [smaller] ones, and a
patache. In March, 620, this fleet set out for the port where they
are accustomed to go to watch for the Chinese ships that bring
merchandise to this city. They went to protect the Chinese; for,
although it was not known that there were Hollanders there, it was
thought best to take timely precaution, lest they come to commit
robberies, as they have done in previous years. The galleon which went
as admiral's ship sprang such a leak that it was forced to return to
port, but when it had arrived there the rest of the fleet continued
their journey. They were in this place [where they meet the Chinese]
until the beginning of May, when they returned to Cavite. Don Luis
Fajardo, brother of the governor, went as general of the fleet, and,
as he was very young, other captains, brave and experienced in war,
were assigned to him as companions and counselors.

The number of ships which have come this year to these islands from
all parts of the world with rich merchandise has been great. Some four
or five have come from Japon, although some of them were lost on the
coast of Manila with all their large cargoes. Some of the Japanese
in them were drowned, but others escaped to land. From Macan ten
Portuguese ships have come with much valuable merchandise.

Last year the governor of the Filipinas sent to Macan to buy a
very handsome galleon which was there. Those who went for the
purpose bought it, loaded it with merchandise, and left Macan for
the Filipinas on July 2, 619. They encountered such violent storms
that at the end of two months, after having been in great danger of
shipwreck, they returned to Macan without masts, and with a large part
of their merchandise so wet and rotted that it was worthless--damages
frequently sustained under such circumstances. They once more equipped
themselves, and this year left Macan in the month of May. They had
a very difficult voyage, but at the end of more than twenty days
they succeeded in making port in Cavite, on the seventh of June,
the first day of Pentecost. The galleon is a very fine one, and it
will be very useful when occasion arises. It brought much very rich
and valuable merchandise.

From Great China also have come many ships with silks and other
merchandise. All these goods have been necessary, and indeed they
have not even sufficed to supply the lack of merchandise which,
because of the wars of the past years, has been very extreme in this
city of Manila. There have been, moreover, some losses. If the wars
with the rebellious Hollanders should entirely cease, the wealth and
grandeur of these islands would be remarkable. Indeed, in spite of
these wars and the losses that have been sustained, Manila is a very
grand city; and there are few cities in Europe that surpass it in
trade and traffic, for almost the whole world comes to these islands.

Since writing this, I have learned that a large junk (a certain kind
of ship) set out from Japon with a large quantity of provisions and
munitions of war, and with five hundred infantry, whom the Hollanders
were bringing to supply and reënforce their strongholds in the
Malucas. But God was pleased that they should run aground on the coast
of Japon, where everything was lost, and nearly all the people were
drowned. A galleon likewise set out from Japon with a Dutch patache
to come to these coasts, to steal whatever they could, as they have
done in years past. But God frustrated their attempts by running the
galleon aground on Hermosa Island, which is between Japon and this
country. It is said that all those on board were drowned. Although
this is not known surely, it is a fact that many were lost.

May God confound their arrogance, in order that this land may raise
its head; and that the faith of Christ may be spread throughout many
provinces and kingdoms into which the holy Evangel would enter were
it not hindered by these heretics, who have hitherto been such a
stumbling-block and so great an obstacle in these parts.

It has occurred to me to write this to your Reverences as a consolation
to many people who wish to know about affairs here. May God keep all
your Reverences, to whose holy sacrifices and prayers I earnestly
commend myself. Manila, June 14, 1620.





Compulsory Service by the Indians


_Opinion addressed to his Majesty by Fray Pedro de Sant Pablo,
preacher and provincial minister of the province of Sant Gregorio of
the discalced religious of the Philipinas Islands, of the Order of
the seraphic Father St. Francis, for the increase and conservation
of the said states of his Majesty, by reason of the building of ships
and repartimiento [17] for the service of his Majesty_.

The native Indians of the Philipinas Islands enjoyed great temporal
prosperity and peace until the year 1609, when Governor Don Juan de
Silva established in these islands the shipyards for constructing
the fleets that he built. For that purpose he imposed the very
burdensome taxes, and made repartimientos among the natives of the
said islands--not only personal, but for wine, oil, timber, and other
supplies and materials, in the greatest quantity. That has remained
and been established as a custom. Those materials and supplies
have been taken by some without payment, while others have paid the
fourth or third part of the just and current value. Hence his Majesty
owes them a great sum, but he cannot pay it, nor has he the money
to pay it in these islands. When personal services are commanded,
the Indian, in order not to go to the forests to cut and haul the
wood, subject to the cruel treatment of the Spaniard, incurred debt,
and borrowed some money at usury; and for the month falling to him,
he gave another Indian six or seven reals of eight at his own cost,
in order that the other should go in his stead. He who was taxed as
his share one-half arroba of oil went, if he did not have it from his
own harvest, to the rich man who gathered it; and, not having the
money wherewith to buy it, he became the other's slave or borrowed
the money at usurious rates. Thus, in the space of ten years, did the
country become in great measure ruined. Some natives took to the woods;
others were made slaves; many others were killed; and the rest were
exhausted and ruined: all of which is evident from the summary of the
account that I send his Majesty with the present. There can this truth
be seen and recognized. In order that the injury committed may be more
clearly evident, it is to be noted that these Indians are in the depth
of poverty, and have no possessions of value. Neither do they inherit
anything save a little plot of land which they sow with rice--not
to sell, but only for what is necessary for their families. Their
houses are built on four posts; their walls are of bamboo and thatch,
and are very small. Such was the spoliation committed on a people
so poor and wretched that they would say: "Father, I will give the
king twenty reals of eight annually, so that they will spare me from
repartimientos;" but, having investigated, all their property is not
worth an equal sum. This granted, request is made, by the common
opinion and consent of the governor, Audiencia, bishops, orders,
the Spaniards, and the Indians themselves, for permission from your
Majesty for the following:

The Indians of all these islands are willing to contribute annually
to his Majesty all the aid that may be necessary, and what they
are able to contribute, for the defense and conservation of these
islands, the building of ships, and all other things needful, in the
following manner. Every household and family will give, each year,
such a sum as may be ordered and as shall appear necessary, in this
manner. The Indians living at Manila, inasmuch as they have more
property and money, will give one or two pesos per house; and those
more remote the half or third part of that sum, or the fraction that
shall seem advisable, inasmuch as they are less established and are
very poor. This sum shall be collected and placed in one depository,
which shall be in common for all the islands, and shall be in charge
of a faithful person; and it shall have three keys. This money having
been collected, whenever his Majesty may need one, two, or three
vessels, more or less, in these islands, and shall choose either to
buy them in India or to build and construct them in these islands,
he needs fifty thousand pesos for that purpose. After first taking
from his royal chest and treasury the usual sum, the balance and
remainder--which is generally levied from the Indians at very low
rates, or without paying them at all--let him get from that chest of
the common fund of the Indians. Then the sum given by his Majesty and
the aid furnished by the Indians can be put together, and those boats
built or bought without making repartimientos among the communities
of the Indians. If common seamen be needed, then a proclamation can be
issued to see if there are any volunteers who will sign the register;
and surely there will be many, as usual. The number lacking [to serve
as volunteers] shall be paid from that fund [_i.e._, the natives'
chest] and from what his Majesty usually gives them. The same shall
be done if soldiers are needed for Terrenate, or rice and any other
supplies. Thus will everything necessary be provided, and that without
delay; and the country will not be harassed or the Indians afflicted.

Supposing that from the sum given this year by the Indians, there
should be a surplus, because of no war or shipbuilding, then that sum
would be kept, and the following year there would be no repartimiento
nor would the amount be again collected. And supposing that the sum
that was collected should be insufficient because of the many expenses
of that year, then the Indians would be again asked for what should
seem necessary. If this were done with due system and method in using
the chest, and in a Christian spirit, each Indian would be saved,
besides his discomforts, persecutions, and afflictions, more than
fifteen or twenty pesos; his Majesty would be served better; and
many mortal sins committed by the officials--who rob the Indians on
one side, and on the other defraud his Majesty's treasury--would be
avoided; for (as has been experienced) the alcaldes-mayor or judges
who go to get rice and the other things belonging to his Majesty send
it by the quantity of five hundred baskets at cheaper rates. They get
another equal amount for themselves, for which repartimiento is made
among the Indians at the same prices [as for the king]. Many deaths
among the Indians in the shipbuilding would also be avoided; for,
supposing that ships are to be built in the islands (which must be
avoided as much as possible), they can he built by the Chinese for
pay. Consequently the Indian will live comfortably, and will feel
more love toward the Spaniard and his king, and will attend better to
his soul and the service of God. He will become a man of worship and
devotion; while in temporal affairs he will become more prosperous,
and will have something with which he can be of use to his Majesty
in case of any necessity.

Prostrate at your Majesty's feet, I desire to beg one thing, in which
lies the wealth and prosperity of this land, or its destruction. Your
royal Majesty can remedy it--although it be at the loss of his office
to the governor of these islands; for in no other way is there any
relief, either with royal decrees or orders from your Majesty--or in
any other way--by your Majesty ordering the said governor that the
ships sail from this port for Nueva España by St. John's or St. Peter's
day; [18] for they can do it, as they used to do. In this way no
shipwrecks will occur, just as there were none before. The losses
and shipwrecks caused by not observing this cannot be told, I will
mention as an example only the case of the present year. Inasmuch as
they sailed late, two hundred and eighty persons died in the flagship,
and all the rest arrived in a dying condition. They were over seven
months just now on the return trip, after their escape from the Dutch
enemy then assembled where they fought. Because they were not able to
enter the channel to go to their usual port, as they were late, and
because the winds contrary to them had begun, they were driven ashore
and there the two hulls of the ships were wrecked. There was the one
noteworthy thing, namely, that with only six pieces they fought the
enemy, who had three ships. The loss was immense; besides the hulls,
a great amount of property was lost--more than four hundred thousand
pesos--and it was a miracle that everything was not lost. Written in
this convent of Nuestra Señora de la Candelaria, at Dilao, outside
the walls [of Manila], August 7, 1620.

The most unworthy servant of your royal Majesty,

_Fray Pedro de San Pablo_, provincial minister.





Letter from the Audiencia of Manila to Felipe III


Sire:

At the end of last year, 619, this royal Audiencia reported to your
Majesty a portion of the numerous excesses and imprudent acts of Don
Alonso Fajardo, governor and captain-general of these islands. For
that purpose it despatched, by way of Yndia, Captain Pedro Alvares,
government and War secretary of this kingdom, with the same document
that is herewith enclosed. Although this despatch was attempted
twice it did not succeed, because the governor, suspecting it,
exercised great vigilance to prevent it--as in fact he did, a certain
sailor revealing it while confused. But, although he made no little
investigation and practiced extortions to verify the matter, he
was unable to ascertain who the person was, or why he was going,
because the matter had been managed by a priest. And although a
long relation can be made here of his objectionable acts, we shall,
in order to excuse prolixity, touch on only a few of them.

He continues his careless way of living with so little modesty
and caution that scarce can there be found any action in which is
manifested the circumspection, gravity, and prudence required by
his office.

In regard to the little esteem (or better, the great contempt) that he
shows toward this Audiencia and its auditors, both in the court room
and in other public acts and meetings, what occurs is incredible. For
without any occasion for it, he shows that he delights in making use
of all the abusive terms that can be imagined. And, in order that it
may be seen that this statement is not exaggerated, we shall mention
here some particular instances. During the feast of the cross which
Auditor Don Antonio Rodriguez made this month of May at the convent of
St. Francis, Auditor Don Alvaro de Mesa went to that convent after the
governor and the Audiencia were in the church, and the royal carpet
had been spread, immediately upon his arrival; the governor thereupon
told him that he was a dirty, impudent fellow, and that he vowed to God
that the first time when Don Alvaro should neglect to accompany him,
he would take him by the collar and fling him out of court. This he
said with so much heat, disturbance, and passion, that it was observed
throughout the church. When the auditors went for him on Easter day to
accompany him to prison inspection, they advised him with all courtesy
(warned by what had happened on other inspections) to be kind enough
to allow the Audiencia to oppose privately the releases, when these
were undesirable, that he intended to grant by his authority. To that
request he answered in great heat and fury that he vowed to God that
if any auditor contradicted him in the releases of prisoners that
he thought best to make during the inspection, he would break his
head with a club; and, after dashing out his brains, would scatter
them about the walls of the prison. Consequently, in order to avoid
greater evils that might result to the disservice of your Majesty if
his conduct should not be overlooked until your Majesty hears of it, he
is allowed to continue his releasing [of prisoners] here during prison
inspection, and out of it, at his will, without considering that they
are imprisoned by the Audiencia, or the gravity of the crimes, or any
other of very weighty circumstances. And so that [it may be seen] that
we do not deceive ourselves in attributing to him these excesses in
pardoning as being extreme, the same thing occurs in his sentences and
punishments. For he thus executes his sentences, however rigorous they
be (notwithstanding appeal, and without taking the trouble to present
the criminals before the Audiencia), as if he were absolute lord of
them, as is said to be the case in Japon. Consequently he follows
and lets loose all the passions to which his taste inclines him,
just as if he did not have to give account to God and your Majesty.

One Gregorio de Saldaña, a sailor--against whom was executed a
sentence of stripes and condemnation to the galleys, without allowing
a report of his appeal to be made to the Audiencia--having presented
a certain memorial of the frauds and trickery which he declared had
been practiced against the royal treasury and the natives of these
islands by the sargento-mayor, Estevan de Alcaçar (brother-in-law of
Don Juan de Alvarado, fiscal of this Audiencia, for he had married
the latter's sister), in the building of a galleon under his charge,
about which there have been public clamors, an investigation was
begun by Auditor Don Antonio Rodriguez, and the said frauds were
declared by Saldaña, for which purpose the latter was taken from
the galley. The governor took the cause away from the auditor
and pigeonholed it, [19] without being willing to allow any more
investigations to be made upon it. On the contrary, to prevent that,
he remanded the sailor from the prison where he was to the galleys,
and thus prevented him from obtaining his appeal, as it was a matter
that touched the said sargento-mayor--to whom, for himself and for
his brother-in-law the fiscal, he has granted permission, as is said,
for extortions on the Sangleys in the office of chief warden of the
Parián. He has exercised that office for more than a year, succeeding
to Gonzalo de Ocampo, who married a cousin of the said fiscal. Ocampo
held the said office for two years, and the said sargento-mayor is now
sending him as admiral of the vessels about to be despatched to Nueva
España, with the title of general for the return trip, without taking
his residencia--notwithstanding that he was declared by an edict of
Governor Don Juan de Silva to have fallen into condemnation and to
have incurred the loss of his encomienda and all of his property,
because many others who were prepared for the expedition of Sincapura
ran away, in imitation of his example. That edict or proclamation is
in force today, for the royal Audiencia alone declared null and void
all that which was enacted after the edict. Although the governor
has been advised of this in writing, no reparation has been made;
for, as it is a matter that touches the fiscal, he defies the laws
entirely. A few days ago Juan Cevicos, an ecclesiastic and presbyter,
presented to the royal Audiencia a decree of your Majesty directed
to the audiencias. In it you prohibit offices of justice to the sons,
brothers, or brothers-in-law of auditors and fiscals, under penalty of
a fine of one thousand pesos in gold. He petitioned that, in observance
of it, the said sargento-mayor Alcazar should not exercise the office
of warden of the Parian of the Sangleys, or Don Fernando Centeno,
[20] general of the galleys, also a brother-in-law of the said fiscal,
that of alcalde-in-ordinary of this city. The Audiencia ordered that
the decree be obeyed; and that the said governor be informed, so that
he might appoint someone to fill the office of the Parián. He was so
angered by that, that he expressed himself in unmeasured language;
and especially, in the meeting held July 23, did he treat the auditors
very harshly, chiding them for having meddled in his government. And
inasmuch as they had ordered him by an act to fulfil the said royal
decree, [he said] that the Audiencia had exceeded their authority,
since such action did not belong to their duties. He told them not
to show thereafter similar discourtesy, for he vowed to God that
he would proceed against the auditors, and would not allow his
office to be taken from him before he had exercised it. He paid no
attention to the said royal decree and act, or to the ordinance of
the Audiencia that prohibits such appointments, because he [_i.e._,
Fernando Centeno] was an encomendero; there is, besides, another
very great objection, namely, that the fiscal his brother-in-law
has hitherto been protector of the same Sangleys, until now when
he leaves it for the post of admiral. Luis Rivero having appealed
from the sentence of death passed by the governor, and orders having
been issued by the Audiencia that he should appear to state his case
(inasmuch as he had presented himself to the Audiencia), and that the
warden of the prison should not deliver the prisoner under penalty
of two thousand ducados--of which the warden himself took notice, and
refused to deliver him over--the sargento-mayor went with a detachment
of arquebusiers and, after taking away the keys from the warden,
took the prisoner out by force and executed on him the sentence of
death. Auditor Don Alvaro de Messa having proceeded against the warden
by commission of the Audiencia, the governor suppressed the case, and
handled the auditor with rough speech. Without being ordered by the
Audiencia, on his own authority he takes the prisoners from the jail
and mans the galleys with them, even though their cases are actually
pending at the time in the Audiencia; and it has been impossible to
conclude them, notwithstanding that it is the Audiencia that causes
all criminals to be taken from jail and placed in the galleys for
which authority is granted them. He suppresses the secular offices of
justice at will, before their time-limit expires, without awaiting
the opinion of the Audiencia, or even communicating the matter to
them. He sends out investigators whenever he wishes, although that
is the proper business of the Audiencia. He appoints followers
and kinsmen to posts of justice, in violation of your Majesty's
decrees. He removed the former reporter, who was exercising that
office so that he might be given a post as alcalde-mayor (which was
the usual practice), and appointed a reporter without an order from
the Audiencia. He does the same with other offices which fall vacant,
although the contrary is the custom. In the session of July 23, while
vote was being taken upon a certain petition presented by Captain Pedro
Alvarez, government and war secretary of these islands--which related
the insults put upon him by the governor and the master-of-camp in
proceeding against him in a certain cause, which is declared by acts
of trial and revision to be outside of the military jurisdiction--and
after Auditor Geronimo de Legaspi de Hecheverria had uttered his vote
and opinion that a writ of your Majesty should be despatched against
the said master-of-camp, since the acts of trial and revision were
incorrect, so that in fulfilment of such writ he might be prohibited
from trying the cause, under penalty of two thousand ducados and
warnings of greater: the said governor replied on the instant, with
his usual heat, that he vowed to God that he would choke and skin
the throttle of that auditor who should sign such a decree. "Why
must he be subject to three licentiates, each one of his own nation,
and to have come to such a pass that a bandy-legged graybeard should
order him?" At this rate, blustering and snorting, he did and said
things that made him seem out of his senses. The said Pedro Alvarez
also mentions in the said petition other insults that have been shown
him on account of taking away the licenses of the Sangleys and other
perquisites of his office; and concludes with requesting the Audiencia
to inform your Majesty of what is the truth in this matter. What the
Audiencia has to report concerning it is that, besides, the governor
and the master-of-camp refused to obey the acts of trial and revision
of this Audiencia, in which the said Pedro Alvarez is declared not
to be included in the military jurisdiction. Supposing that he were,
no guilt results from the allegation with regard to imputing to him
the purpose to go from these islands by way of Yndia to España,
so that he could be arrested justifiably; and yet he has endured
more than one-half year of prison closely guarded, and fearing (not
without reason) new annoyances, he has retired into the convent of
St. Francis. In respect to the licenses of the Sangleys--which he
says should be attended to before him, and states that the governor
has taken them away from him--although as yet no further statement
than the said petition has been presented to the Audiencia, it appears
that Governor Don Juan de Silva declared, by act of November twelve,
six hundred and twelve, that the issue of the said licenses (which
are given to the Sangleys who remain annually in this city and these
islands for their service) was annexed to and pertained to the said
governmental office, in accordance with its title; and he ordered
that then and thenceforth the issues of these licenses should be
made in the said governmental office. In conformity with that order,
Secretary Gaspar Alvarez (uncle of the said Pedro Alvarez, by whose
resignation the latter succeeded to those offices) countersigned the
said licenses from thenceforth until the year six hundred and eighteen,
the first year of the administration of Don Alonso Fajardo. The latter
began to take the licenses away from the said office last year, six
hundred and nineteen, when the said Pedro Alvarez began to exercise
it. In regard to his right to the conduct of other business, despatched
by the corresponding secretary, the most authentic thing that we can
now report is that the grudge held by the governor against the said
Pedro Alvarez is well known, for he shows it on every occasion.

He allows no testimonies to be given to the parties [in suits] in
any case that does not suit him, even though the Audiencia order
it. Neither does he permit the causes to be prosecuted, for he takes
and keeps them in his possession as long as he chooses. And inasmuch
as the relation of all that occurs after this manner would mean that it
would never end, we avoid it--likewise considering that from the above
statements, and from his often having said publicly that it would be
best not to have auditors or friars (of whom he talks scandalously)
in the Philipinas, the rest can be inferred.

In respect to military affairs, in addition to what the Audiencia
formerly wrote to your Majesty: after our fear here that a number
of Dutch ships would descend from Japon--as we were advised from
that kingdom--to await the Chinese ships along our coasts, a fleet
was prepared to go out to attack them. After very considerable
sums had been spent on it, it was despatched at the beginning of
March, consisting of two galleons, one patache, and one galley--so
ill-prepared that the almiranta galleon began to sink in the port. A
few days after it had left this bay, it returned to port, because
the pumps could not lessen the water, at great risk of the vessel's
foundering. Thereupon the effort was made to prepare another ship
to supply its lack; but so great unreadiness was found everywhere
that that was impossible. In its stead sailed the other galley
that had been left behind. Finally, as they did not meet the enemy,
the loss was less regretted. The fleet returned to port. Although,
because of a second warning received from Xapon that two Dutch ships
and one patache were surely coming to our coasts, it was considered
by many to be advisable that the fleet should go to El Embocadero to
secure the safety of the ships from Nueva España, that was not done;
but on the contrary the ships were immediately unrigged. That was a
signal error, for within the few days necessary for its arrival at El
Embocadero it would find the enemy's said two ships and one patache
there awaiting our ships from Nueva España, and those ships of the
Dutch would be taken or sunk. But this kingdom was relieved from the
loss of this failure; and through God miraculously extending to it His
mercy, the silver and soldiers aboard our ships (the flagship and the
almiranta) escaped capture by the enemy. That capture would have meant
the total ruin and destruction of these islands. There was no little
danger of losing ships and merchandise by running aground. Inasmuch
as the governor will inform your Majesty more fully and minutely of
this event, the Audiencia will avoid doing so. We will only assure
your Majesty that not only was no preventive measure taken by the
said governor for which thanks should be given him, but also the
preconceived idea of those who are soldiers has been confirmed--namely,
that they considered him but little fit for so great matters, because
they had seen the way in which he proceeded in the preparation of the
fleet that he made ready, and with which he did not assail the enemy
last year, as well as in the despatch of the fleet that he made this
year to protect the Chinese ships. In the former matter, not only did
he equip the fleet so poorly, as above stated, but, leaving in Manila
the master-of-camp, the sargento-mayor, and captains of high standing,
he sent as commander his brother, Don Luis Fajardo, a lad fifteen
years old. He gave the latter (as it were, for his tutor) Admiral Juan
Baptista de Molina, who was then alcalde-in-ordinary of this city;
while Don Fernando Centeno, the fiscal's brother-in-law, remained
as commander of the galleys, to whom the rod of alcalde-in-ordinary
was given in the stead of Molina, who had served in that capacity
as citizen alcalde. Without receiving pay as such, and although his
galleys went on the expedition, he remained as alcalde _ad interim_.

In respect to the despatch of ships to Nueva España, although--on
account of those of the preceding two years that have been in his
charge having sailed late--the governor had published that this year
they would sail very early, they are now in Cavite. It is believed that
he will cause them to await his letters in Mindoro, which is thirty
leguas from Manila, all the month of August or but slightly less. Yet
it is certain that, without changing things from their usual course,
the ships could now be out of the channel. However, it appears that
all that may be a mistake, and that God is permitting it in order to
compel the inhabitants of these islands, after losing faith in human,
to turn to divine means.

In regard to greed for gain, no good rumor is current; and it is
said that of the loss therefrom no little share falls to the royal
treasury in paying orders that are bought at less than the fourth of
their face value. Consequently at the same time while not one real
of advance pay thereon is allowed to the owner of the order--which
is issued to him for his sweat and toil, or to his wife and children
on account of his death while serving your Majesty in the war--it is
sold for one-fourth or a less part of its face value, and that is
paid in full to its purchaser by the governor's decree. A vast sum
has been used up in this, for the money brought from Nueva España,
that derived from the Sangley licenses, the loans of citizens, and
that from other sources, have been spent in less than one year. In
order that it may be seen that there is no way in which he does not
endeavor to accommodate the fiscal, while the royal treasury was
without one single real, and in debt many thousands to citizens who
lent it money after the beginning of this year, the governor issued
a decree in the month of June (but without it, notwithstanding an
order may be issued, he has ordered that nothing be paid) that a
definite warrant for three thousand and ninety pesos (of which some
Sangleys had made him a gift for three or four years) be given to the
fiscal from the duties of the Chinese ships. But it was not advanced
immediately, because the officials of the royal treasury considered
that the Sangleys who made the gift were not legally parties [to such
a transaction]. As these things are so public, and the citizens are so
vexed with loans and ill-treatment, they resent these things greatly.

The same irregular procedure that was followed last year in regard
to taking the merchandise from the Chinese at their own weighing was
experienced this year. Although the governor issued a proclamation
ordering all persons who should have the merchandise in their
possession to return it immediately, so that it could be sold freely,
and imposing severe penalties, they did not comply with it; as has been
evident from its results, that edict must have been only to caution or
amuse, for they only sold openly those goods that they were unable to
sell privately without these being taken from them. And then--when,
with the delay of the ships from Nueva España, and the fear of the
danger that they ran of being captured by the Dutch; and the city,
with having invested its share, was drained of money--those who had
retained the said goods in their possession made lower prices with the
many Chinese than those prices at which the goods that were allowed
to be sold had been given. In consequence there were public murmurs
from all classes. One Gonzalez, the governor's barber, and a prime
favorite, whom he has made inspector of the Chinese ships--which
because of their late arrival remained this year for the most part
on the coasts of these islands near China, from fifty to one hundred
leguas from Manila, sending their goods thither in small boats--went
there and bought and brought back a large consignment. Consequently
that transaction, other things similar to it, and the appointments--or,
as some say, sales--of offices and posts in the ships from Nueva España
in violation of your Majesty's decrees, are not well endured or well
spoken of, in regard to either his acts or his methods. May our Lord
preserve and prosper the royal and Catholic person of your Majesty,
as all Christendom desires, and has need, etc. Manila, August 8, 1620.


_Licentiate Hieronimo Legaspi de Cheverria_
_Licentiate Don Alonso Messa y Lugo_
_Doctor Don Antonio Piso_ de Villegas






Letter from Fajardo to Felipe III


Sire:

1st. While anxious, as may be understood, over the delay of the ships
from Nueva España, and the anticipated rise of the vendavals with the
so great fury with which they began this year; and fearing on that
account some disaster, or their making port in distress at Japon,
where also there is cause for fear; and while considering the hardship
that might result to this country from any one of those things: we
had news that three ships of the Dutch rebels were awaiting our ships
between the channel of San Bernardino and the Cape of Spiritu Sancto,
where the latter had to come. Consequently our anxiety deepened,
knowing that this country would necessarily be endangered if those
ships were driven from its coasts, with the men that we have for its
defense, at such a season that, if they left the strait, they could not
possibly return here this year; or, if there were a failure to act,
the people [of this city] must remain not properly cared for, much
less contented. Although it was evident that we might go out at a time
when we could be of [no] use, and when the aforesaid danger would not
happen to the ships, with all the resources at my command, I had the
galleys and light craft manned, so that they might go out immediately
with what advices and orders seemed advisable. While preparing the
ships, which were almost ready to go out, for whatever might arise,
and in the midst of that anxiety, God was pleased to do us the favor
of freeing us from it by the news that I received of our ships. That
news, thanks to His Divine Majesty, was most favorable, when one
considers what might have come. The news was that the flagship--a large
galleon, and, as its actions showed, not a very good sailer--happened
to encounter, without its consort (which was a bark), the three Dutch
ships. These approached the galleon, and ordered it to strike its sails
for Mauricio. Captain and Sargento-mayor Don Fernando de Ayala, warder
of the port at the point of Cavite (whom I had sent out in order that
he might return as commander of the said ships because the person who
went as commander from here was to remain in Nueva España--namely, Don
Luys Fernandez de Cordova, a relative of the viceroy of that province)
answered them, as a valiant cavalier and soldier, with his artillery
and firearms. He continued fighting and defending himself all that
day and part of the night, until under cover of its darkness and a
heavy fog that settled down, pursuing their voyage, the Spaniards
left the enemy with the intention of running upon the coast of an
island of the strait, called Ybabao. Our Lord guided them to a port,
where a ship was never known to have entered. There they anchored,
and fearing that the wind with which they entered might shift to that
which generally prevails in that season and with greater fury, they
determined to run the said ship into the mud, and to cut away the
mainmast, in order to render them less liable to drag, and to leave
the port again and encounter the enemy. Accordingly, all possible
haste was displayed in disembarking the men, and the silver and
reals of your Majesty and of private persons, and the most valuable
goods; but scarcely was that done when the storm, coming down upon
the ship, drove it upon some rocks. There it foundered and sank,
although in a place so shallow that but little of the ship's cargo
was lost. For they continued to take out and use many things, except
the articles of luxury. Although no use could be made of the ship's
hull, as it was entirely ruined, the resultant loss is almost nothing,
and inconsiderable when one thinks what it might have been, and what
this event has gained in advantage and reputation for these islands,
and for your Majesty's arms herein. For, although your Majesty,
thanks to God, has had excellent successes in the islands, still it
has all been by superiority of ships and men; and there is nothing,
according to common opinion, so fortunate as this event, considering
what the enemy will have lost in all the aforesaid respects among
all the nations with whom they have relations--especially with that
of the Japanese, who place their honor and ground for self-praise
in war. It would appear that they will not be well esteemed there,
nor even pleasantly received by their creditors--with whom, as we
understand here, they were indebted for about three hundred thousand
ducados for their preparations and the relief of their forts, having
assigned to the creditors their pay from a good prize that they were
to make, which must have been this galleon.

Then, in order that everything might turn out well, our Lord guided
the patache--which was coming as almiranta--without its meeting an
enemy. However, from the severity of the weather, the same thing
happened to them as to the flagship; but they lost no cargo, for
that vessel was so small that I bought it for not more than one
thousand pesos.

Although some think that those ships did not have a more satisfactory
voyage because they left Acapulco April 4, in my opinion that could
not have been avoided; for they reached that port late because
their voyage thither was long and troublesome. Notwithstanding that
they had been despatched, they would have found, when they arrived,
vendavals already in these islands, as these commenced so early, as
I have said. Although the viceroy wrote requesting greater haste in
those despatches, yet because they are sent late from there, they also
arrive late here, even if no such events happen as the above. It is
almost impossible for the ships to leave here early, if the arrival
of those from Nueva España is delayed, unless no opportunity be
given the inhabitants to receive their share of money and letters,
which is a thing that they would feel keenly.

[_Marginal note_: "War. What you say in these sections is reduced
to three points. Firstly, the thanks that you give and should have
given to our Lord for the good success of the flagship, and the same
has been done here. May He be praised for all, and thus it is to be
hoped, in His divine mercy, that He will be in all other events; for
the just end and cause to which all is directed is His holy service
and the extension of the holy Catholic faith. The second main point
is of the utmost importance, and is regarding what has been written
you, with the remonstrances required by the case--namely, that if the
flagship and almiranta sail late, it is impossible that they can be
despatched early from Nueva España; and although we have written to
the latter country, giving the method that is advisable to be used
in that voyage and despatch, they always excuse themselves for the
late sailing of the ships by the risk of vendavals, as the violence of
the weather is an unavoidable difficulty. We have also written to you
that the only cause of the delay is the waiting to lade those ships
with the commerce of Manila--which are detained for personal ends,
by awaiting the merchandise from Japon, China, and the Orient. That
is poor management; and the welfare of private persons must not have
more force than that of the public. For the customs duties received on
departing and returning are not at all to be considered with the great
danger of bad weather, in which everything is risked--especially since
the only cause for the commerce between Nueva España and those islands
is not the benefit of the merchants, nor the lading of Chinese cloth,
but the maintenance, succor, and payment of the military and of the
ministers who assist in the service and defense of that country. If
you should one year cause the ships to sail on time, those at Acapulco
[_los terceros_] would be warned by it for the future, and would
understand the diligence that they must use in their despatch. It
is said--and let this serve as caution and warning to you--that the
chief officials who have in charge the despatch of the flagship and
almiranta are those most interested, as figure-heads for third persons,
in what is laded. The third point is, that when those vessels (not
only of trade, but of war) sail, and since their risk of enemies is
at the departure and return (but most on the return), you are advised
to take warning not to let the ships be so overladen that because of
that they go ill equipped with seamen, and even worse defended. In
conformity with this we have written to the viceroy of Nueva España;
and have stated that it would be a less disadvantage to increase
the number of ships than to overload those that are sent--to say
nothing of the damage done to the hull of the ship by carrying so
heavy a cargo. Also you are advised, on account of what you say in
this section--since you say that the Dutch get help in boats, money,
ammunition, food, and men in Xapon--that it would be well, since there
is so continual communication between Japon and our government [in
those islands], that you endeavor--through an embassy, or in any other
way--to negotiate with any king of those of Xapon, or with the person
who is the cause of that [aid to the Dutch], and tell them that those
enemies are pirates, and that they violate the laws of nations and
the public peace. Finally, since you have the matter in hand and know
the importance of separating the Japanese and Dutch, you shall do this
with such energy and skill as your prudence admits, doing all that you
shall deem necessary and useful to attain that end." _In another hand_:
"A letter is being written to the viceroy of Nueva España, sending him
a copy of his [i.e., Fajardo's] clause, and what answer is made to it;
and advising him, as here above stated, that an order has been given
so that they shall endeavor to have the despatch of the flagship and
almiranta of Filipinas attended to promptly and seasonably, as is
necessary for their voyage. Accordingly he shall again issue orders
to that effect, and advise us of what is done in this matter."] [21]

2d. I am also writing to the viceroy not to waste time and money in
making unnecessary repairs on the ships, and those for which their
captains and commanders do not ask; for that is of use only for those
who have slaves who act as calkers and as other kinds of mechanics,
in which they sometimes gain more in such works than they are worth.

In the same way [I have requested] that he shall not furnish rigging
and other supplies unless they are requested; for I am sending the
vessels from here already provided, for both going and coming, with
everything necessary (even the candles), in the endeavor to avoid the
expense caused to your Majesty in the past with such outlays as have
been made, and with the things brought here. This can be very well
avoided, because there have been certain articles that can be obtained
here for one-tenth as much as they cost in Nueva España, both rigging
and other things that are not needed; while ammunition and arms are so
extremely necessary. Of these, on the occasion that I have mentioned,
there was known to be a very great lack. The mistake must have been
occasioned by my saying, in regard to the arms that I requested, that
powder-horns were unnecessary here (as is the fact). But it was not to
be understood by that that the arquebuses and muskets for arming the
infantry should come without powder-horns. That appears to have been
the understanding, for on the said occasion not thirty pairs of them
were found, and very little powder. All that resulted from those who
despatched those ships not paying attention to what their commanders
asked, while they supply them at times with what they do not need or
request; and other things those persons furnish at their own pleasure,
with no care whatever except for the bulk and lump--obliging the
masters to receive them on faith, and even on appearances, according to
what is observed here. Those who have made those voyages think strongly
that the standards of measure there should be somewhat less. I hope
for a reform in all this, through the good management and zeal of
the viceroy, and that he will set a limit to what those who attend
to these despatches at the port of Acapulco have done--as also to the
vexation and trouble caused to the sailors and workmen of those ships
by examining so minutely the wretched belongings that they carry in
their little chests, and by treating them with more severity in this
than appears advisable for men so necessary and who work so hard.

[_Marginal note_: "In the letters that were written you, in the next
to the last and the last despatch before this one, that discussed
this reform and the avoidance of expenses which were made and caused
in Nueva España for those reënforcements, you were directed to try
to give special and minute information as to what you have there,
and of its cost; and advised that, if prices are so much more
advantageous than those of Nueva España, those expenses might be
avoided. The same thing has been written to the viceroy, while the
royal officials there [_i.e._, in Filipinas] have been notified to
send a detailed report of the matters of that sort [in which expense]
could be avoided. If that has not been done, you shall do it; and
with it those in whose charge are the despatch and provision of
the ships and the supplies, shall be convinced, and the losses and
expenses repaired. Since you have abundance of all kinds of rigging
and sea-stores, and they are obtained so advantageously in the ports
and regions of your archipelago, provision shall be made only in the
smaller firearms--that is, outside the _situado_. And inasmuch as
the Council should have the information that is desirable in regard
to these matters, you shall always send us a copy of what you write
upon them to the viceroy and royal officials, so that observance of
what is enacted in this regard may be demanded from here, and that
the account may be somewhat better regulated. The other things that
pertain to the excesses that you mention in the preparations in Nueva
España have been written to the viceroy, as per the enclosed copy,
so that redress may be provided in what is so just."] [Here follows
a note, on a separate piece of paper. [22]]

3d. And inasmuch as I am not confident that the viceroy will be
willing to admit that the appointments of offices and officials of
these ships from these islands do not concern him, when those who are
appointed complete the exercise of their duties on their arrival at
Nueva España--as, for instance, Don Francisco de la Serna, who is
going this year as commander; and Don Luis Fernandez de Cordova,
who was commander last year, as they commenced to exercise those
offices from the time of their departure from those provinces and
are returning in those functions through courtesy, and for just
considerations--the viceroy undertakes to appoint men to those places,
refusing to understand as he ought what your Majesty has ruled and
ordered in this matter. On the contrary, in order to establish himself
in this pretension, he has suppressed the appointments that I sent
last year. Indeed, although he deprived Don Fernando de Ayala of his
appointment, he did not make another appointment, but said that he
was satisfied for that time with that act of jurisdiction. He said
that he would send me another as commander of the ships--a young man,
like those whom he sends as captains of infantry. That would have
resulted in the disinclination of people in this country to send what
is of so much importance [_i.e._, their cargoes to Nueva España],
with the supplies and artillery which I sent--very differently from
the usual practice, in charge of a man of action and valor, who
has fought very often. I cannot see why the viceroy should wonder
at a thoroughly satisfactory person being appointed and sent from
here, in order to return in such a post, since for a matter of so
great consideration, value, and importance, it does not seem much
or hurtful that each ship should always have a captain, like those
whom your Majesty appoints in the flagships and almirantas of the
trading-fleets, with the same preëminences and the right of succession
to the responsibility and management of them, in case of the death or
absence of their commanders. For it would be a misfortune, in case of
their absence, for the relief or the ruin of these islands to depend,
on the occasion of a fight or other emergency in which there is need
of a leader, on the direction of a pilot or a master, when suitable
provision can be made without any considerable increase of expense
to your royal treasury. If your Majesty be so pleased, and will give
me authority for it, I prefer to do this, even if, in order to give
them some pay, that of the commanders and officials be curtailed;
or by seeking another plan and supplying them something with certain
accommodations in their vessels, as might be done better here. The men
levied in Mexico and those provinces might be delivered at Acapulco to
those captains, thus saving the pay granted to the infantry captains
and officers. For most of the latter are not usually very eager in
their service, while their persons and the troubles that they bring
are of no little embarrassment to the governors; and perhaps it would
be advisable to do away with their banners and distribute the men
among the old companies. That has not been done at any time, both
to place the aforesaid persons under some obligations, and because
they bring the pay for one year already paid to them. I petition
your Majesty to order this matter to be examined and considered,
and to command me what I am to do in regard to it and to order the
said viceroy, in accordance with the above, to refrain from annoying
with that pretension the respectable and deserving inhabitants who
sail [on the ships] with appointments to such offices. For there
are men here who have merits and are old residents of the country,
to whom these employments might well be given; and others who,
although they are not of so much prominence in this country, have
been and are engaged in the service of your Majesty. Consequently,
both for that reason and because of their qualifications, no one ought
to be preferred to them--although there are, besides the aforesaid
persons (who are numerous), a much greater number of others who demand
everything, without right, reason, or justification, and assert that
they deserve it. They must believe this, by the way in which they get
angry about it; for it comes to such a pass that they do not treat one
another well, as we have just experienced. For I appointed Captain
and Sargento-mayor Esteban de Alcazar admiral of these ships that I
am despatching--a man of many years of service (some in Flandes), and
more than fifteen years of residence in this country, whither he came
as captain of an infantry company. He has also served in Terrenate, and
reënforced those forts with the supplies that he took in his charge,
in consideration of which your Majesty confirmed him in an encomienda,
without debarring him therefrom because he was a brother-in-law of
the fiscal. That relationship, however, no longer exists, because
there is another fiscal, a man young in years and of little judgment,
without services, merits, or any other qualifications to support his
claims, not even for the office of government notary, which an uncle of
his resigned. This man has tried to oppose my choice; he has had the
audacity to demand the place, trying to disqualify the appointee with
a suit brought by my predecessor, from which the royal Audiencia freed
and acquitted him. Although I am certain that he [Esteban de Alcazar]
is one of the most deserving of those who might be employed in this,
I have chosen to send a sworn testimony in the form of a report
(in duplicate), so that your Majesty, if such be your pleasure,
may order it to be examined. Although any one might resent having
to furnish an exoneration when there is no cause for the accusation,
there is much more to resent here in the accusations which some are
wont to write without any justification, and without the matter being
known; for, by reason of the long time that must elapse before one
comes to have notice of it and the truth of the matter is made known,
he has already suffered much in darkness from an evil and unauthentic
relation, and this is the truth.

According to the news received here of what has come in the said
ships, the aid in silver and reals that has come on your Majesty's
account amounts to three hundred and fifty-two thousand pesos; while
the supplies that I asked both this year and last come to less than
one-third of the amount that was generally brought in several former
years--for I am very careful not to exceed what is actually necessary
and unavoidable, in order to save the so excessive expenses which were
generally incurred in this; since other expenses are not wanting that
render that saving very necessary.

The infantry does not amount to two hundred men, in three companies. If
these men were that number, and Spaniards, it would not be so bad; but,
although I have not seen them, because they have not yet arrived here,
I am told that they are, as at other times, for the most part boys,
mestizos, and mulattoes, with some Indians. There is no little cause
for regret in the great sums that reënforcements of such men waste
for, and cost, your Majesty. I cannot see what betterment there
will be until your Majesty shall provide it, since I do not think,
that more can be done in Nueva Spaña, although the viceroy must be
endeavoring to do so, as he is ordered.

[_Marginal note_: "Have the orders held by the viceroys regarding
this collected. All that he says for the benefit of the treasury
is good. Thus I am trying to do on all occasions. In regard to the
quality of the soldiers, have the viceroy of Nueva España informed
that they must always be men who have served, and of the quality
desirable. Those who were boys might be kept in presidios, and in
places where there is not so great need of experienced soldiers. By
placing them in other companies and in diverse services, they might
supply the lack of other persons. Have a letter written to the viceroy
of Nueva España, and a copy of this section and the answer to it
sent to him. Have him advised to try, at the levy of these soldiers,
that no places be given to any but persons who are suitable and useful
for the Filipinas, for the contrary becomes a useless expense."]

4th. I wrote to the viceroy last year that if, in any year in the
future--through any misfortune, or for any other cause or obstacle
that might prevent it--no ships from this country should reach those
provinces, he should try to send what aid he could, as is usually
requested, especially that of money; so that in case of such a lack,
the need should not increase, or the danger caused when ships of
this commerce do not sail. According to his reply, it seems that the
viceroy does not dare assure it, because he doubts whether he can
find ships in the ports of that country for that purpose.

Desiring to find some plan for the greater facility and less cost of
sending these reënforcements, it has occurred to us here and has been
considered a reasonable and feasible means and expedient to have them
come by way of Panama. If your Majesty would be pleased to keep there
one of the two ships that leave these islands for Nueva España, that
would have very good results, if no obstacles thereto arise which we
have not considered here.

The advantages are, that what infantry your Majesty pleases can come
from España divided among the vessels of the trading fleet of Tierra
Firme, that go to Puertovelo or Nombre de Dios. Their passage and the
transportation of their food would not cost much, and the owners of the
vessels might even carry them free for the concession of the register
or permission for the voyage. If they left in due season, nothing
would be lost, nor any soldier either, in the short passage which must
be made, in order to embark at Panama from Cruces, a distance of five
leguas. One can reach that place in boats by means of a river. In the
same way, all the things shipped here from España can be transported,
thus saving the vast sum generally incurred by the freight charges and
carriage of the goods in Nueva España. This expense is caused by the
long and dangerous road to Acapulco, and the rather long space of time
from the arrival of the trading fleet at the beginning of September
until the departure of our ships at the last of March--both in what
the infantry consume and waste, and in those men of it who are lost.

There will also be another advantage if your Majesty should be pleased
to locate there [_i.e._, at Panama] the reënforcements of money
and provisions for these forts. For if the ships from this country,
by any misfortune or other occasion for delay, should not arrive,
as many ships as were needed could be obtained there, ready, in which
to send the ordinary and even extraordinary succor that your Majesty
might despatch; while in Acapulco there would be no such facility,
or even possibility, in addition to the long and most costly voyage
of the ships despatched thence. And, according as the despatch from
Panama is considered and regarded, our ships, even if they should
arrived there one month later, would leave the port earlier, and much
earlier than from Acapulco, since the journey thence here is so safe
and short, as experience has already demonstrated.

By dividing this commerce, and by one ship going to Acapulco and
another to Panama, one would think that, if the vessels' were not
more nor larger, the export or sale of Spanish merchandise would not
be checked; for inasmuch as Mexico would be abandoned in order to
go to Panama, the former country would come to have need of España,
and would consume as much and perhaps even more than the amount that
was not used in Panama because of the departure of the ships of this
country. It is almost a certainty that no innovation would have to
be experienced because of the way in which, it may be understood,
the Mexican merchants have communication with those of Peru and all
the Indias--avoiding the royal duties on what is smuggled. If each
ship went publicly by permission from your Majesty to that region,
as I have said, the increase of duties would be very great, and there
would be no difficulty in the way, according to the understanding
here--which, I have understood, is also the opinion of this city. They
petition it from your Majesty, and I do the same, with the desire that
I have and ought to have for you royal service and the welfare of this
country. I find myself daily under new obligations to this country,
which the inhabitants lay upon me by the willingness with which
they respond to the service of your Majesty with their possessions,
persons, and lives, as I have experienced from many on the occasions
that have arisen. According to the limit of my understanding, and
that which I have been able to grasp with it in this particular, I
regard the aforesaid as so important to your Majesty's service that,
considering the matter in case that it should be necessary for the
ships to go together, I would regard it as more advisable for both to
go to Panama rather than to Acapulco--although I think that the said
division is better, and the advantage of the reënforcement of men,
and that which that country [_i.e._, Nueva España] can give easily;
for thus results service to your Majesty and good to this country,
and apparently not a little benefit to the commerce of España. For
the products and merchandise of España that are esteemed here would
be bought and imported in a much greater quantity with the saving
of the freight charges overland, which are so excessive from Vera
Cruz to Acapulco. The cost of those articles is also increased by
the profit of the merchants who buy and retail them in that country
[_i.e._, Nueva España]. If the merchandise were relieved from so
high prices as it reaches to in this manner, and if the goods can
be so easily passed on from owner to purchaser without resale, the
shipment here of a great amount of the said merchandise and products,
and of money less that quantity, is certain.

Likewise, in addition to the above, if the enemy should station
themselves on that coast [_i.e._, of Nueva España], to await the ships
that sail to Acapulco (as they have already done at other times),
where they have captured some of those that have sailed hence, not
only are there not ships at hand ready to go out to fight with them
and to prevent them from making such attempts, but not one patache
in which to send advice of it out to sea; while in Panama and on its
coast that danger would be more easily averted because there are plenty
of ships and seamen there. Will your Majesty be pleased to have this
matter examined and considered so that, after understanding the pros
and cons, what is most advisable to your service may be done.

[_Marginal note_: "Note of what was decreed, on a separate
paper." [23]]

5th. We are very happy at the good news that has arrived here of
the favor that your Majesty concedes, to all of us who live in
this country, of sending us reënforcements of soldiers and ships by
the Cape of Buena Esperanza; and I more happy than I could express,
because of my great desire for it and my great regret over its lack,
in order to demonstrate effectively the desire that I have always
had, and have, of employing myself in your Majesty's service. May
His Divine Majesty so well manage it that, if life does not fail
me, I shall, with the protection of God, endeavor to employ it to
my very utmost--without my promising more at greater length, for we
can promise much from the hands of His Divine Majesty, but from our
own but little. In order that the successful end of such intents may
be better attained, at the best time, without there being any lack,
I petition your Majesty to the utmost of my ability that the sending
of this help, together with troops, be continued for some years--by
way of Panama, or by whatever way your Majesty may please--so that the
forces which might be assembled with such a fleet as is above mentioned
might not be weakened so soon because of the many men that die here;
and that the provision of money be in proportion to the men, and for
the same time. I trust that, with the above, the cost and trouble
incurred will succeed, without my endeavoring to excuse myself from
it, or failing to economize and well administer the revenues as well
as other things. The results certify it; for, with less money than
has entered the royal treasury for many years, I have accomplished
so many works, and have built or bought, in two years only, as many
boats, provisions, and war stores as was done during many years in
the past, and at a much less cost. For I have paid for all these,
and of the arrears of debt a very large amount--as, if time allowed,
could be seen by the official statements that would be sent to that
effect. However, I shall try to do that on another occasion. I have
come to say this, because your Majesty charges me to be very careful
of your revenues, and as I have a bit of vanity in it, which seems to
me not to be the most harmful vanity. I desire exceedingly that the
manner in which I manage this matter be known, for there is a great
difference in faithfulness, in good administration alone.

[_Marginal note_: "Council. You have already been informed in another
letter that God was pleased to let the reënforcement be lost because
of a bad storm. Nevertheless, all possible care is being taken to
prepare another. May our Lord be pleased to direct it, since it is
so important for the things of His service. By the despatches that
you will receive from the hand of the castellan Pedro de Heredia,
you will understand about the two hundred infantrymen, with which
your present need will be supplied, until the more important aid is
made ready. Inasmuch as you are advised of other things touching this
matter in the despatch of the said castellan, nothing more will be
told you of it, as I refer you to what it contains."]

6th. For this purpose, very acceptable aid has come to me with the
arrival of the factor, Diego de Castro Lison. For the favor that your
Majesty granted him in this--both to him and to me--I kiss your royal
feet with the humility and acknowledgment that is fitting.

It seems to me that with the commission borne by the above-mentioned,
it will be very well if, during his execution of it, he be relieved
somewhat of the many onerous duties of the office of factor; and for
that purpose I shall endeavor to give him the aid and leisure that
should appear necessary. If the treasurer--who has not yet arrived
and whom I do not know--is such as I believe and have proved the
factor to be, I shall have no need of carrying memoranda in my pocket
of what is paid into the royal treasury, as I have done sometimes,
even constraining this present treasurer so that he might ordain
that those warrants for whose despatch and payment he did not have
my decrees should not be honored. Consequently, I would not be sorry
to see here two or three men for the accountancy of this treasury and
for that of Terrenate; but, although the governors are accustomed to
make that appointment, I cannot find many to choose here.

[_Marginal note_: "It is well. With the arrival of the treasurer and
that of the treasury accountant, he is relieved of his anxiety about
the matter of accounts."]

7th. I have equalized the pay of the captains, officers, and soldiers
here and at Terrenate, by increasing that of some and diminishing
that of others, as your Majesty has ordered. In order that they may
have an equal amount of work, and comfort also, I am having part of
them changed every year, so that their exile may not be perpetual,
nor desperation compel them to go over to the enemy, as many have
done. Accordingly, for this reason, and so that the smaller and larger
boats, in which the reënforcements are conveyed, may go and come in
safety, I cause some infantry to go in all of them.

[_Marginal note_: "Council. It is well. You have already been informed
in regard to this, and it was referred to your prudence and better
judgment, as you are the one in direct charge of affairs. You shall
give licenses and shall arrange for the passage of the soldiers from
one part to the other in the manner most advisable."]

8th. The last reënforcement that I despatched this year has been
the most abundant that has entered those forts since their recovery,
especially in money and men; for there were almost two hundred and
fifty Spanish soldiers, besides the Pampangos and pioneers, and the
men of the two galleys and four ships in which that reënforcement
was taken. Of the latter only one small patache was lost, which is
considered miraculous here because of what has happened on other
occasions. But I, although not neglecting to give thanks to God for
it, cannot be well satisfied with the result, until I can ascertain
whether the galleys could have gone more quickly and efficiently
to the aid of the patache--although I am told that when they sailed
there was sufficient wind so that they could not fight with a galleon
carrying heavy artillery. I shall endeavor to inform myself of it,
and of what the person in charge of the patache did, and what he
neglected to do; and, punishing the guilt that I shall find, I shall
inform your Majesty of everything. I do not see how the master-of-camp,
Don Luis Bracamonte, who had charge of that reënforcement, can entirely
clear himself; for after I had appointed captains and private persons
to whom the ships could be entrusted, he committed the one that was
lost to an accountant, one Don Alonso Fajardo de Villalobos, when
neither he nor I knew that man sufficiently to entrust such a ship to
him. But until I have heard the reasons on which he based that action,
I do not dare to blame him.

[_Marginal note_: "What investigation you make in this will be very
suitable. You have also well understood the matter, and reason on it
in such a manner that there is nothing to add to what you propose,
except to await your reply with the suitable execution of it, for
the good example that must emanate from it in similar matters."]

9th. I believe that your Majesty will already have learned of the
occasion for sending the said master-of-camp to those places, by
letters that I sent via India. By them will be seen the causes that
preceded, and the pressing efforts made by the castellan Lucas de
Vergara Gaviria, in order that he might be permitted to come here. A
son of Doctor Quesada, ex-auditor of Mexico, a man respected for
his learning and integrity, went to take his residencia. I gave him
charge of one of the companies that I sent to those places and which
had to be reorganized in them, for that purpose, and because of his
rank, the services of his father, and his wish to follow a military
life. When the residencia and acquittal are made, I shall inform
your Majesty of that also. It will have so much that is good or
evil, as the religious shall have aided or opposed him; since their
friendship is the greatest advantage here, and their hostility the
greatest evil. For if they desire to grant honors, even to one who
does not merit them, the documents, vouchers, and negotiations are
drawn up as may be desired; and the governor has to give in payment
what they demand, even if he be unable. If he do not act thus, woe
to him; for they reach him in conversations and pulpit in his most
vulnerable spot, his honor. Consequently, as I know that to be usual
here, I am resolved not to credit what they have written of Lucas de
Vergara Gaviria; on the other hand, I am meanwhile not sure of the
contrary. I consider him a good soldier, although he has something of
the harshness of temper that is reported. I also wrote to your Majesty
when I informed you of his coming and of the departure of Don Luis
de Bracamonte, asking you to be pleased to send a governor for those
places, for Don Luis said that he would remain there only until the
arrival of your Majesty's appointee--a thing that was self-evident,
even had he not said it. Had it not been for placing a captain before
one whom your Majesty had honored with the title of master-of-camp,
I would have given those forts in charge to Captain Don Andres Perez
Franco, to whom your Majesty, while he was alferez, granted thirty
escudos' pay to induce him to come with me; and I would trust him not
only with those forts, but also with other things of importance that
your Majesty has in these parts. But I considered the above facts,
and his few years as captain, although he has spent many in service;
and, on account of his popularity and the excellent proofs of his
integrity and valor (as your Majesty can learn from the soldiers of
Flandes who know him), I am not sorry--although I would be glad to
have him in Terrenate--to detain him here, as he is one whom I value
most highly. He has aided me in all that I am doing in your Majesty's
service, and in the fulfilment of the duties of my office--which he
aids in the building of ships and in the repair and equipment of
them, in all the works and the despatch of ships that are carried
on at the point of Cavite, and in whatever else arises, very much to
my satisfaction and to that of all. That is not inconsiderable, and
I assure your Majesty of this on account of my obligations to your
royal service, and to inform you of those who aid in it, rather than
through my goodwill and affection for this gentleman, although these
are great. His mode of procedure constrains me to it. Although I have
relatives here, I shall not inform your Majesty of them, as long as
they do not merit my doing so by their time and experience here.

If a governor is to be sent for Terrenate, your Majesty will not
forget those persons whom I have proposed for that post. They are
Captains Don Diego de Salcedo, Joan Gonçales Corrilla y Santander,
who were among the men of best judgment in Flandes when I was there,
and of whom I would rejoice to hear news. But if, in another man,
to such qualities were united some experience as a sailor, or a taste
for naval affairs, he would not be worse for that; for very gallant
deeds might he done among those islands.

[_Marginal note_: "The points mentioned in this section are reduced
to two. First, you will already have learned about the appointment of
Pedro de Heredia as governor of Terrenate. It is thought that you will
be well satisfied with his person, and that he will suitably conduct
the public service. Concerning the other persons of whom you advise
me, and especially of Captain Perez Franco, I am informed of his good
qualities. So long as nothing offers here in which to occupy him,
you shall take charge of his person, and shall employ him for what
you think him suitable, for the reputation of generals consists in
their efficient choice of persons, giving to each office what concerns
it and what it needs. The second and chief point is concerning the
religious who through their favors and friendships affect the standing
of officials, and by altering the truth impose blame on the latter
or injure their reputation--reducing [public] affairs to their own
methods, which has pernicious and evil results. Since you see that,
and have experienced it, as you say, it would be your own fault if
you did not remedy that matter. I leave it to you to do what is most
fitting. What occurs to us to advise you is, not to allow any religious
to make charges or prove the innocence of any government official,
unless it should be in some very special and particular case, in which
his act may have occurred with the knowledge of such religious, and
can be investigated in no other way. You shall observe the same rule
in official investigations, in which if the religious do not form a
part of the court, certainty may thus be felt that affairs will proceed
with sincerity and truth, as justice requires. This that is told you,
you shall impart to the Audiencia in your meeting. You shall endeavor
to have the same course followed in the case of the government agents
and other persons who shall conduct similar investigations. Inasmuch as
the interpositions generally made by religious are usually effective,
as well as the means by which they intimidate some and encourage
others, you shall take measures, immediately upon receipt of this,
to inform the superiors of those religious, so that they may be
warned and advise their subordinates of it, so that they may not
perplex themselves or meddle in any case of these secular judicial
proceedings, or with claims of third parties. For their occupation
does not consist in this, but in the contemplative life, and in the
exercise of the spiritual activities; and, moreover, the gravest
disadvantages to the service of our Lord result from the contrary
course. You shall advise me of what you shall do and what you shall
have put into execution, so that I may know what occurs."]

10th. I have had no other advices of anything new, or of matters of
greater importance, in those forts [of Maluco] than the above-mentioned
entrance of the reënforcements. From the people sent thither, and from
those who wrote me from Japon, I have learned that the reënforcement
was very timely; for the Dutch had crews of Japanese, whom they hired
with the intention, as was understood, of attempting with them some
deed of arms in that place, or something else that would have meant
evil to our forces and fortifications.

I was also advised from Japon that a squadron of Dutch ships was to
sail thence to run along these coasts, in order to hinder the commerce
of the Chinese ships, awaiting and robbing them on their way. In order
to obviate this mischief, I prepared two strong ships, one patache,
and two galleys, with which to make the said coast safe. I gave warning
to China; and thus, in consequence, many ships and merchants of China,
thanks to God, have arrived in safety. That squadron is in charge of
Admiral Joan Baptista de Molina, a man who has served many years, and
who has served here with especial courage and good fortune. And since
every one in this country considers that he is the one who deserves
most, and in order to avoid the punctilios of those who hesitated in
embarking and in taking charge of those vessels--desiring, perhaps,
under pretext of this to remain ashore--I gave out that the squadron
was to be in charge of Don Luis Fajardo, my brother. Thereupon all
followed him, and he obeyed the orders of the said admiral, Joan
Baptista de Molina, like the meanest soldier of those who embarked
with him. The enemy must have heard of it, or they must have had more
important business to look after, for they did not approach these
coasts. On the contrary, it has been learned that they lost one of
their large vessels (than which never better sailed), at the head of
the island of Hermosa; and that, for the last two years, they have
obtained nothing from this coast beyond the destruction of what had
been made for equipment of our vessels, and the loss of the ships
that have been wrecked. I am thoroughly convinced that opportunities
will not be lacking in which, coming to blows, they will lose more,
if God help us; for their attachment is strong to the profit that
they claim from these pillagings, as well as from those that they
made in former years.

Had not the Dutch been so embarrassed by the so ruinous wars that they
have had with the English, beyond doubt a greater number of vessels
would have come here. According to what I have just heard from a
Spanish pilot, whom the Dutch held prisoner, and who escaped from
the ships that fought with us, those two nations [_i.e._, the Dutch
and the English] were negotiating a peace, in order to be able to
come here with a great number of vessels, or for other advantages to
them. If the ships that I am awaiting with the reënforcements arrive,
by God's help, I shall not care when the enemy comes.

[_Marginal note_: "It is well. Through your diligence and zeal for
the affairs of my service, I hope that our Lord will grant very good
results in everything, since the expense and care incurred by those
regions are known."]

11th. That ship that I bought at Macan has come, with some freight
charges and duties on goods that it carried. That goes a good
way toward aiding the cost of its purchase and the expense [of
maintaining it]. The price was eleven thousand pesos, with sails,
rigging, seven anchors, and four good cables. I am satisfied with it;
and it appears at least to be made of better woods than those here. It
was made in India, and its burden is more than six hundred toneladas
of the Northern Sea. [24]

Contract and agreement have been made to build another ship in Sasima
[_i.e._, Satsuma?] a province of Japon near here. I am assured that
it can be built there very well, and it will be strong and of good
timber, and very well-proportioned and suitable as is needed for this
line and trade with Nueva España.

[_Marginal note_: "Since the counsel that you have taken in this matter
is very prudent; and since you have been advised in your despatches
(which you have already received) as to what you shall do; and since
the benefit to the royal treasury and the quality of the vessels is so
well known: you shall continue the same plan for the vessels that must
be built, since, as you have seen in other despatches, the vexations
to the natives occupied in this shipbuilding and the heavy expenses
incurred by that construction, are thus avoided. Since you already
have plans for the factory at Terrenate and for the cloves and drugs
that you may get at Terrenate and its adjacent islands, it will be
a very efficacious means, in order that the vessels may be cheaper,
to send the cloves and drugs where they may have greatest value, so
that with that profit the vessels may be built more cheaply. After
you shall have more fully established that advantage to the royal
treasury, you shall endeavor to put into practice the building of
some boats for the service of the South Sea in Callao, Panama, and
the other ports of Tierra Firme. This alone I refer to you, so that
you may endeavor from now on to lessen as much as possible the profit
[made by others] in this, both in material and construction."]

12th. The vessel that went to Goa with a quantity of cloves, which I
had traded for in Maluco and sent there on your Majesty's account (as
will be done whenever possible), arrived safely; and in the same way,
was despatched and returned here (thanks to God), bringing slaves for
the galleys and other supplies for the magazines, and the provisions
and articles necessary for your Majesty's service.

[_Marginal note_. "It is well. In this way continue. In every despatch
that you shall send, you shall not advise in general terms of matters
like this, nor summarize; but shall send a copy of the list of what
cloves and drugs you shall have or obtain in trade; their cost, as
well as the expense of sending them; the price and method of sale; the
transfer that was made, and in what articles and at what price. And
in order that we might have as exact information and account of it
as is advisable, you shall inform us, especially and in detail, of
all the aforesaid, so that things of this kind may not be furnished
from Nueva España or any other region."]

13th. I thought that I would send them to those kingdoms, so that your
Majesty might see some cloves from Maluco. Although they are not cheap,
they would be a product not often seen in the ports of Castilla, and
not often carried from here. But the majority of the auditors opposed
me, thinking perhaps that an oral or written relation would be sent
with them not greatly to their favor. However, the one that I have
already given your Majesty is not favorable to them. I suspect that
they have learned of it; but I am not sorry for that, as I consider
it correct. Or [their opposition may have been] for other reasons,
and for private ends. They do not desire me to achieve success, and
I would not wonder at that so much, if I alone were the interested
party. But where your Majesty and your royal service are concerned,
such a thing appears incredible of any one who has a good heart and
soul, and is under the obligations of honor. Therefore I would be
ashamed even to think this, were there not many other causes like that
mentioned, that are similar to it. I could send an account of them
in authentic documents, had I more time and fewer occupations. But
having to attend to these, not only can I not do more than I am doing
in this, but I cannot even attend continually to the Audiencia,
or consider many things that they have tried and attempted in it
contrary to the authority and preeminences that your Majesty has given
to this office. Many of them I must swallow, in order not to fail in
the affairs of your Majesty's service--which could not be conducted
as their importance demands and compels, if one were to give much
attention to these matters which concern personal grudges. For if
one did that, he could necessarily attend to nothing else, because
as the auditors here have few important matters that oblige them to
close application, they must apply the greater part of their time to
devising petty tricks on the president in order to vex and weary him,
until [as they hope], not only will he allow them to live according to
their own inclination, but also their relatives and followers shall,
in whatever posts they desire, be employed and profited. And since
harmony has never been seen here without this expedient, one would
think it easy to believe such a supposition. Regarding what your
Majesty writes in this matter of posts being given to the relatives
or followers of the auditors, there is not much to amend. Perhaps
that is the reason that some are ill satisfied and to such an extent
that they show it not only by inflicting annoyances on the persons
who aid me in the obligations of my office and in your Majesty's
service--because they know that I esteem such men for that reason,
and see our gratefulness for it--but in doing whatever can cause
injury, and also in any acts of discourtesy, which are much to be
regretted. Such has been the demonstration that they made by public
act when, the chairs of this Audiencia having been carried in order to
go to one of the sermons and festivals to which they go here; and the
chair of my wife, Dona Catherina Maria Çambrana y Fajardo, having been
placed behind them--just as is the custom in other places, and as was
continued here, without exceeding in anything what is permitted to the
wife of a president--the auditors voted that my wife's chair should
be placed outside, or that they would not take theirs, as did Doctor
Don Alonso de Mesa and Doctor Don Antonio Rodriguez. It is a matter
whose telling even causes me shame. Were it the resentment and sorrow
of another, I could set it right, by the mildest and most advisable
method possible. But as it is my own affair, and a matter akin to
vanity (from which I believe myself quite free)--for when I have
finished the public acts of pomp and display in my office, I return
to that of sailor, which is the chief thing of this government--I
lay it before your Majesty, so that you may be pleased to provide in
this matter and in other things touching auditors, as may best suit
you. [I ask that your Majesty act] without greater inclination to one
side than the other, since this office is yours, not mine; and since
I shall live in the same manner with or without it, without coveting
greater honors than your Majesty (may God preserve you for us) has
granted me and grants me in employing my services.

[_Marginal note_: "After considering what you mention in this matter,
it is reduced to the following points. The first and more essential
is that which you mention (although in ambiguous terms) regarding
the trading of the auditors and government employees there, for which
reason they prevented the sending of the cloves. The testimony that
you send of it does not concern this matter, but only that of the
goods and money that were to be sent to Terrenate for trading. That
indeed was done in accordance with your opinion. The opinion that you
shall hold in matters so worthy of reform you must always send to me
distinctly and clearly expressed; for if there are such officials
who commit illegal acts--not only in trading, but in hindering
the profit of the royal treasury--it is advisable not only for the
greater security of the treasury, but also for the administration of
justice, that such persons be punished with the rigor that the case
requires. Consequently, you shall do this, sending me information
of what is done in this matter. If any proven guilt results you
shall sequester the property of offenders, in order to assure the
judgment. In accordance with this, we are writing to the Audiencia,
advising it of what it must do. In order that no official may have
any cause to think that you, of your own accord, are trying to prove
him guilty in a matter so grave, you shall be accompanied, in whatever
concerns the sequestration of goods, by the archbishop resident there,
in whose person we have the necessary confidence. The second point is
that you will have been informed of all the things that concern the
advantage of the royal treasury. You shall accordingly declare those
things in the tribunal of the treasury and in the assembly. This
reply by letter will be your authority, so that you shall need
nothing more special than this for whatever may be to the benefit
of my royal treasury, and shall procure that benefit by all and any
justifiable means. The third point is--as you have been informed and
instructed in other letters concerning the purpose of the factory at
Terrenate--that all the benefit received from the islands of Maluco by
the enemy is by way of barter; and that so vast profits are obtained
by them in this that these enable them to be on the offensive and
defensive, and convey to their own country the wealth that we see in
the Malucas, the value of which is evident in the armies and other
expenses that are incurred. From this example, since the expenses of
my royal treasury are so heavy--inasmuch as the trade is carried on
only by conquest and force of arms--everything is reduced to expense,
and nothing to gain. In order to make profit you are advised that the
factory of Terrenate should barter and negotiate, in order that the
profit obtained by the enemy might follow, and more if possible. And
if the natives of those islands see that their property is not taken
from them, and if they are paid in the ordinary form, they will
grow fond of us and become converted to our friendship. From that
it will be possible to pass to other objects, the chief one being
the evangelical preaching. Consequently, setting aside the universal
gain that might come to the royal treasury for the gain in a specific
case, the chief thing, and one which you are to push thoroughly (or
rather two things), is the operation of mines and of factories for
trade. Fourth, that since you have already experienced the utility
that follows from sending those cloves to the East, and using this
merchandise for other purposes and trade, you shall continue to
do so. You shall always send the detailed account about which you
have been advised, of everything that will be of importance in this
matter. Whenever any case of doubt occurs to you in regard to the
ceremonious observance due your office, send the proposition that
you shall have made in the assembly, together with what resolution
shall have been made regarding it, so that after examination here,
just measures may be ordered; for in no other manner could any
decision be reached without depending on the Audiencia. In order to
gain time, letters are being written to the Audiencia ordering them,
in accordance with what has been done at other times, to maintain with
you, in the condition of affairs at present, the amicable relations
and the respect due your office and person; and to observe toward you
and your wife such ceremonies as have been observed hitherto, and as
are the custom. When there is any doubt about the matter, I shall be
consulted, so that, having examined it thoroughly, I may provide what
is advisable for the public peace and for decorous relations between
the president and Audiencia. (Note for a separate paper.)" [25]]

14th. Although it is my desire to restrain myself in this particular,
in order not to drag on this letter to greater length, and for
other considerations, certain of my obligations move me to say the
things that I cannot avoid, because I have heard that the auditors
claim that your Majesty should take from the office of governor and
captain-general and president, the declaration and trial of suits
that concern government and war--which your Majesty conceded to him,
on account of those which were being tried then, and the disadvantages
that were experienced in leaving them to the Audiencia. This is a
matter from which--even if it pertained to them, by opposing what
your Majesty has ordered in this matter--it is impossible to dissuade
them, seeking in such things any pretext or excuse to meddle in them,
and to embarrass and hinder me in the exercise of my office. Thus
have they endeavored to do in many things, especially in one trial,
begun here by the master-of-camp against various persons employed
for wages in marine works (who were under the military jurisdiction)
because of a conspiracy and desertion that they had planned, and which
they were ready to execute if they had any one to get their pay for
them for that purpose. This occurred at a time when I, because of a
pressing need then of men for your Majesty's service, was compelling
the master-of-camp and Aclaras to restore all those to their places who
for ten years back had been removed from them. In their guilt Pedro
Alvarez, war and government notary, appeared to be implicated. One
of his friends, an ecclesiastic, named Joan Çevicos, tried to prove
himself leader of this affair, in order perhaps to clear him and
the auditors, according to what I understand and many believe. In
complaisance to Doctor Don Alvaro de Meso, or for other objects,
the auditors took it into their heads that the notary of war did not
belong to the military jurisdiction; and that the master-of-camp had
not the right of first instance in his cause, but that it belonged to
me, in order that appeals might go to them. Without what I declared,
in accordance with your Majesty's royal decree (which I presented),
being sufficient, they hindered me so in it that it was impossible
to administer justice. At last, as I thought that the notary's
imprisonment had been long enough--although during his trial he had
no guards who could levy costs on him--at the news that the men and
possessions of your Majesty and of private individuals that we desired
from Nueva España were in safety, and that the enemy were waiting,
I released him (in part as a demonstration of the thanks due our
Lord), among other prisoners who had not been tried, and who had no
one to plead for them, whom I also released. Such, then, is the end
of that affair.

[_Marginal note_: "Let them observe the laws and what I have commanded
by the decrees that I have given. Advices are being sent to the
Audiencia in accordance with this." _In another hand_: "Have letters
of this tenor sent to the Audiencia, so that they may observe the
decrees of enforcement [_lo acordado_]. Let it be noted that since
the distance from those islands to these kingdoms is as is known,
and the delay and obstacles in the replies and receipt of letters
is the same and in some cases greater, it is commanded and ordered
that he who shall be guilty of opposing what is ordered for the good
government of those islands, both in military and in civil matters,
will be punished with the severity and example that the case requires;
for it is not right that he who merits it be unpunished in matters
of such importance, involving loss and delay."]

15th. Also the auditors claim the right of trial and jurisdiction in
the lawsuits of the seamen. That has come to such a pass that when
I ordered that a sailor, one Luys Rivero, should be hanged for an
atrocious murder that he had committed--of whose trial and of what
passed then I enclose a sworn statement--they actually ordered that
he be not executed. That happened on a day when I had left this city,
on account of having ordered that on that same day a retired sergeant
be beheaded, who had deserted while under pay and after receiving
help, and had abandoned his colors at the time of the embarcation;
and in order to avoid the intercessions and importunities that they
lavish in order that justice might not be done. But this is only a
pretext of mercy, since punishment, when deserved, is the greatest
mercy--especially in this country, where the punishment of offenses
was so forgotten or almost never administered. For that reason, and
to lessen my grief over the execution by being farther away from it,
I left the city and went up the river. The proceedings of Doctor
Don Alvaro de Mesa, in procuring the obstruction of what he and his
associates had ordered, were of such nature that some clamor might have
occurred, had not the people been satisfied at the justification of the
case, and had they not had some confidence in me, mixed with sufficient
respect not to lose it on similar occasions, even in my absence.

[_Marginal note_: "Let what is provided in the preceding section be
observed, and whatever pertains to your office. Thus shall you declare
in the assembly, and in like cases. Let the Audiencia observe the
decrees and ordinances given that order the captain-general to try
military persons and their criminal causes, just as and in the form
ruled by the said decrees. Let the Audiencia report why it prevented
the execution of the sentence against that man."]

16th. If for such things, and others like them, the Audiencia
petition (as they are doing) for power to convoke the people, since
as yet has not happened, and, God helping, will not happen what they
suppose can occur--namely, that I will hinder them from the exercise
of their duties and the execution of such of their provisions as
concern them--let your Majesty determine whether their demand is well
directed. Let your Majesty also consider the evidence and rectitude
that I have, other than they have, for having the greater authority
in matters touching the Sangleys and their Parian; since for this
they give as an argument that it would be advisable for them to have
that jurisdiction, in order to expel and drive out of the country
those whom it will need for its quiet and security, so that no other
insurrection might happen, as in the term of Don Pedro de Acuña--as if
that did not even more concern the governor and captain-general. They
had resolved, a few days before, in the Audiencia, that my reason for
ordering certain Sangleys to be expelled should be explained before
them--although I had told the auditors before that resolution that
those Sangleys and others were known to be wandering and lazy people,
without any trade or any other manner of living than that of sowing
discord, causing uneasiness, and stirring up disturbances; and that
they had other customs that were harmful and injurious to them and
even to us. I told them that in order to cleanse the country of such
people, who are wont to disturb it and even to endanger it on such
occasions as those of insurrection, I had ordered them to go to their
own countries. Notwithstanding all this, the auditors persevered
in the said resolution. From that one can see what good results are
attained with the intention that they show by such a demand; since
the most certain thing is, that they wish to have the authority over
this people, who are wont to be useful and even profitable to him
who devotes himself to them.

[_Marginal note_: "Let the ordinance of the preceding section be
observed."]

17th. The said auditors also claim the right to fill the offices of
the minor officials in the Audiencia and others, which may be filled
in the interim until your Majesty grants them. These appointments
usually belong to the president. In order to make those appointments
I took the depositions that I enclose herewith; while they base their
claim for this on a certain act of introduction which they had made in
regard to this, at a time when there was no president. In the absences
of the president, and during the government of the Audiencia, they
have disused or destroyed many preeminences and decrees in favor of
the governors and captains-general and president. Finally, they seek
all the methods of opposition that they can find, so that, if one were
to judge without looking for the best object, it might be thought that
they are trying by this improper method and means to pass more speedily
to better employments. I do not know whether there is more than to add
the assertion that, when I called a council and asked their opinions,
in order that an entrance might be effected into the province of the
Igolotes Indians [26] (which is situated almost in the middle of these
islands), and that it might be pacified and reduced to the obedience
of your Majesty, for the greater service of God and the welfare of
its souls--and, what is more useful, the operation of those mines (of
which I shall inform your Majesty in due time)--Doctors Don Alvaro and
Don Antonio opposed me; and the latter did so by a method that did not
satisfy all, proposing greater doubts as to whether it could be done
or no, as one can see clearly by the testimony. I am persuaded that,
if his wishes and inclinations were not so biased and so ready not
to become a good associate, even in what is just, many of the things
above mentioned and that I could mention would be avoided. For that and
complete harmony, it would be of great importance if all the auditors
were not new, as they are. They make more trouble than even arises
from the ignorance of their duties, since that does not prevent them
from presuming that they know everything. For lack of another and
better remedy--and one from which no trouble would arise--it would
not be bad for those who come here to fill such places to be started
[in their duties] and to be taught methods and usages by the auditors
of Mexico, at least during the time while they are detained there;
for it is a pity to see their deficiencies in this regard, and even
more the qualifications that I have mentioned in this and other
letters. The eye that was left to us in this Audiencia, whereby we
could see and direct ourselves to the light, God chose to take from
us, by the death of Andres de Alcaraz. We were left with very great
grief at the loss of so wise and prudent an associate, and at his not
having had so great prudence at his death (at which time one needs
more) as he showed during his life and government, and in governing
himself; for he died without receiving the holy sacraments. However,
one who was sick so long, it is believed, would have often received
communion, since at the end he did not do so. Neither did he dispose
of his possessions, which were not few. Of that Doctor Don Alvaro
de Mesa, probate judge, will advise and inform your Majesty. May God
keep him in heaven, as we scarcely doubt He will.

[_Marginal note_: "This section is answered in the preceding ones. With
your prudence you shall try to direct affairs so that the service of
God our Lord shall be accomplished, and that the good results that
are demanded shall be secured by your person."]

18th. With this reason, I again represent to your Majesty and lay
before you, as I have done at other times, that I may die; for even
if my subjection to death were not so natural, and more liable to
accident, as in one who holds offices exposed to the dangers of sea
and war, I suffer at times from lack of health; and no matter how
poor may be the head, it leaves a lack in any body. Your Majesty has
no auditors here who can govern, even in affairs of only justice and
peace; for at times they prove deficient therein. Had Don Hieronimo
de Silva been absent at such a time--as he has told me that he desires
and has requested leave of your Majesty for it--I do not know to whom
I could leave the charge of military matters, who would bind himself
to such trouble (and even impossibility) as would be the necessity
of obeying, pleasing, and satisfying such leaders.

Until your Majesty shall appoint persons to the government of
Terrenate or to the position of master-of-camp of this place, who,
in such case [_i.e._, the death of the governor], might act in this
capacity--providing for it by the usual methods and appointments,
or as might be more pleasing to your Majesty--I cannot find here any
person whose ability for this is equal to that of the archbishop. He
is a man of force, system, and executive ability; and, in my opinion,
he will lose nothing of the authority and preeminences of the office,
or of the jurisdiction and power that your Majesty might grant him;
for I regard it as certain that he would not err in his government
through having less knowledge than the auditors, and in it would make
arrangements for greater efforts and aid to military affairs and those
who engage therein. The latter would be advantaged by him, for even
in this, although it is not his profession, I consider him as having
more decision and effective energy than the said [auditors] have.

And that it may not appear that I am in every case speaking of them
in general terms (my intention being to tell the plain truth, without
reserve or any other consideration than the telling of it), I declare
what I believe: namely, that if Doctor Don Antonio Rodriguez--who is
the latest auditor, and has not much health or maturity of years--had
resided here longer I would trust his executive ahility in preference
to that of the two others here, whom I do not consider very capable,
for the reasons explained in other letters and in this; for as has
been seen by experience, he shows himself to be a man of greater
knowledge and prudence, and of great sagacity. However, for a long
time there have been rumors (and not few) that he has been the one
who has disturbed the minds of his associates, writing, advising,
and counseling them secretly. But by his not approving the object
of such things, and by his keeping aloof from the others, for that
reason and something of this having been well understood, I do not
consider it as certain or sure; and in other things outside of this
(except that it seems to me that he is anxious to grow rich quickly)
I consider him as a man of good method, very prudent and well informed,
and one who takes pride in appearing to be a good judge.

[_Marginal note_: "Council. May our Lord be pleased to grant you
health, so that, having finished your term of office and fulfilled
the hopes that are entertained of your service, you may be promoted to
better things. Although what is advisable is decreed in this matter,
you will accordingly take all the care possible in it. It is to be
hoped, in our Lord, that He will give you the health that you desire
and the fortunate success that is so important."]

19th. Consequently, I have requested him to take charge of the cause
of one Joan Mohedano who was arrested ten days ago for the accusation
made against him of having entered the seminary of Sancta Potenciana;
and because there are so few here who could act as judges--some not
having authority to try this cause, and others having been refused
therein--it has not been possible to finish it hitherto, which Doctor
Don Antonio will do.

[_Marginal note_: "It is well. Take special note that such crimes and
acts of sacrilege as this demand their punishment in the presence
of our Lord. Accordingly it is advisable, and I order and charge
you, that in this crime and in others similar--may God forbid their
commission--you shall show yourself, as shall the judges who take
charge of these causes, as severe and rigorous in judgment, and prompt
in their despatch, as the cause requires. You shall advise me fully,
in a short account, of what should be done in this matter, and the
sentence and execution of justice therein."]

20th. As for the other two causes similar to the above, of which I have
also informed your Majesty, I remitted that of Captain Don Fernando
Bezerra to Licentiate Legaspi; for certain persons, on seeing justice
done in this land, say that it is not justice, but only passion, while
others say that it is cruelty. Accordingly he concluded and judged it,
and freed him. For the same reason, I committed to him the appeal
to the Audiencia in the other cause of Don Joan de la Vega. While
the latter, on my conscience, was more than guilty enough to suffer
decapitation (to which I sentenced him), the same auditors so managed
the cause that at last they did the same thing; they set him free,
and condemned Captain Lucas de Mañozca, formerly alcalde-in-ordinary
of this city--who aided me in this cause and others to the service of
your Majesty--to the sum of five hundred pesos and other penalties,
and caused him to suffer a considerable time in prison, and to spend
for other particular objects much time and money.

[_Marginal note_: "You and the Audiencia have already been answered in
regard to this matter, as to what must be done. Now you are ordered to
send a copy of these processes and acts--so that, having been examined,
the satisfaction that is proper may be obtained--and of the justice
that has been administered in like matters." [27]

21st. I am accustomed at times, for the sake of greater assurance,
to refer to the Audiencia certain causes and matters that are
of importance to your Majesty's service and the obligation of
my office--some, to one of the auditors, who consults with me in
them; and in some, according to their nature--to ask them for their
opinions. They are generally accustomed to excuse themselves from
all of these, if they do not care to attend to them, and arguments
or reason do not suffice for it. I cannot tell how they are to be
compelled to act if reason does not move them, or unless your Majesty
be pleased to order a reform in this matter, with the orders that
concern each one, and what is to be done both in the above and in
the declaration of jurisdictions--concerning which I wrote to your
Majesty quite fully in letters of last year.

[_Marginal note_: "Observe the ordinances according to the despatches
that have been sent you regarding this."]

22d. I have committed the inspection of this country--which your
Majesty ordered to be made by one of the auditors for the consolation
and relief of its miserable natives, and of which no memorandum
exists as to when it must be made--to Doctor Don Alvaro de Mesa,
as he is in better health and more suitable for that purpose than
are his other associates. Although he resisted (even saying that I
could not appoint him), and even gave me other excuses, I think that
he would do it after the conclusion of this despatch of ships, had
not the commissions come for the residencias that your Majesty has
entrusted to him. Consequently, when he concludes these, if there is
nothing else to hinder, or another associate who may then be regarded
as more suitable for it, he will have to do it. Yet I petition your
Majesty to have him advised of his obligation in this matter.

[_Marginal note_: "These inspections are very essential, since they
are based on the relief of miserable persons, and in no way can the
condition of affairs be fully ascertained unless by means of these
inspections; and the most advisable measures can hardly be well
understood, if the condition and facts of what ought to be remedied
and can be bettered are not known. Hence I again charge you to pay
especial attention to these inspections. The Audiencia is commanded to
observe the orders that you shall give in your capacity as president,
so that each auditor, when it concerns him, may observe his obligations
and go out on the inspections." [28]]

23d. On receiving your Majesty's despatch, in observance of your royal
order that was directed to me, I gave his despatch to the fiscal,
Don Joan de Alvarado Bracamonte, ordering him to refrain from going
to the Audiencia and from the exercise of such office, and that he
get ready to embark. He did so, and when he was ready for his voyage
and had placed on board what he had for it, and while he was making
his farewells preparatory to embarking: he was arrested by the judge
of his residencia, in order that he might give bail for the claims
and appear before the judge; and the property found to be his was
sequestered. Thereupon, what he had aboard ship was taken ashore. I
communicated to the Audiencia your Majesty's royal order to embark,
that he had received. It appeared right for him to give bail. That
and other things were referred to the said judge, to whom I also
showed the decree, so that he might facilitate the preparations of
the said Don Joan and act according to justice. But it must be that
he could not do so until now; for yesterday, when I had come from
Cavite, and the ships had sailed--even being outside the bay, since
they are not seen inside it--the notary of the residencia came to me
to say that the judge had now remitted the imprisonment and removed
the guards with whom he had arrested the said fiscal. As if now there
were any resource for his embarcation; or as if one could send him,
with his goods, household, and sea-stores, overland on the shoulders
of Indians, in order to intercept the ship at the landing-place
where these letter packets go out! I am sending a statement of the
time when I was informed of it, lest the matter should be forgotten,
or in case he should not choose to make this report. As I know him,
and here are now recognized the unjust complaints that he makes,
that the Audiencia have hindered him in part from the exercise of
his commission, I deem it advisable that the truth be recounted,
without leaving it solely to his relation; for I am sure that he
has not been restrained in anything, and that in this regard the
Audiencia has proceeded with circumspection and particular care, as
they also know him. Although to all there his ancient hostility to
us was apparent, for which reason the fiscal challenged his judge,
the only provision made in the matter was that he be accompanied as
should be deemed advisable by the acts. From them likewise will be
apparent the certainty of the guilt of which he has been accused.

[_Marginal note_: "Have this section filed with everything touching
the causes of this fiscal; and should there be any letter from the
latter that discusses this point, let a report of it be made when
this section is examined. Have the governor answered, that we are
advised of this; and that he will be answered in a separate letter
regarding this particular."]

24th. Answering the letters and decrees that I received from your
Majesty just now, in those matters that I shall not have answered
and satisfied in the course of this letter, I declare that I have
done or arranged most or a great part of what your Majesty orders
in them. For I have always been careful to do all that I knew with
certainty; or should consider to be advantageous to your Majesty's
service, the efficient management of your royal treasury, and the
welfare of this land, without halting therein because of the lack
of such royal commands and orders, but not exceeding those given to
this government. Consequently, when I received the said letters, I
had already suppressed the repartimiento of rice, a thing so unjust
and harmful, as they informed your Majesty and as I wrote last year.

[_Marginal note_: "In regard to what you say in this section, you are
to note that, for the better understanding of the correspondence that
is maintained with you, you observe in the future the order that is
always followed. You shall always advise us of the receipt of the
despatches, with the day, month, and year of their date, and also
the dates of your receipt of them. In its order you shall insert the
section written you; and, after answering it, you shall go on to the
next, observing the same order. By that means, what you have received
and what you have answered to that particular case can be separately
and explicitly ascertained, and although, with your good prudence,
you shall have enacted certain things beforehand, which are already
executed, in whole or in part, at the time of their ordering, or you
shall have been intending such action, yet you shall advise us of
what is ordered and of its fulfilment. That concluded, in a separate
letter you shall report, as you are doing, of the other matters that
it is advisable should be understood, in the department and office
to which your correspondence goes, of what is ordered you, and what
you have done, and the notice of what you say, so that you may be
answered and what is advisable be provided."]

25th. In the same manner, I have reduced the pay that it has been
customary to give, of all those who came here with me.

[_Marginal note_: "It is well."]

26th. In Terrenate there are four salaries of thirty pesos. Those who
enjoy them are men of service and merits, both for aiding the governor
and for their ability to enter and supply the lack of any captain, or
to be entrusted with any post or affair that demands such a person. I
am ignorant of the assignment and origin of these salaries, and by
whom they were made. I shall inform myself of it from the documents
of those forts, and ascertain what people are sufficient for them. I
shall give your Majesty a full account of everything, so that you
may take what measures you deem best.

[_Marginal note_: "It is well. Observe what is ordained."]

27th. The expense incurred in Terrenate, both in the pay and in the
reënforcements and other extraordinary demands, is of such nature
that it is very heavy, although according to the account, not very
adequate; and as yet I have not made it so large as your Majesty
has been informed. It is a fact that, without that drainage of men
and money, the expenses here would be much less; and we would get
along and live with very small expenditures, and much better. But
it must also be considered that if the enemy enjoy Maluco in quiet,
their profits and gains would be very great; and I think they could
consequently succeed in whatever plan they wished, and whatever they
did would result well. But because they do not possess it, there
is war--in which he will prevail and succeed better who has more
tenacity and force, especially on the sea. He who will remain lord
of them will be lord of many profits and riches, which can be taken
from these districts. Inasmuch as this is a matter that demands a
more orderly and full treatment, in regard to experience and certain
well considered relations, I shall not involve myself further in it,
until I shall be able to do so with these necessary conditions. But
I shall endeavor to do it as soon and as much better as possible.

[_Marginal note_: "It is well. Endeavor will always be made to
reënforce and protect those islands and your government with the
forces possible. But as these are limited, and consumed in so many
diverse occasions and armies in Germany, Flandes, and Ytalia, and
other places, it is highly advisable, as has been written you, to be
careful in your expenses and in the accuracy of their account. It is
also desirable that you endeavor to work the mines of the country,
and to carry on a factory and the trade of cloves and drugs as much
as is possible, so that you may sustain yourselves and may not prove
so expensive, as has been represented to you in preceding clauses."]

28th. I shall also endeavor to tell your Majesty what I shall ascertain
and hear about the duties on the cloves of Terrenate and the factory,
taking for that the depositions of the Audiencia and of the royal
officials--which I shall not do now, for want of time. In the opinion
that I asked from them some days ago in regard to sending [a vessel] to
trade for cloves on your Majesty's account with goods and money that I
had for that purpose, Don Alvaro opposed me so strongly in everything,
that one would think that he considers that the risks are mine and
that it is done on my account (as if the gains were mine), rather
than for your Majesty's service. However, I sent the goods necessary
for this trading, because of the gain that results from it and its
investment to the royal revenues and the provisions brought from India.

[_Marginal note_: "Council. You have already been answered as to
this."]

29th. If it is true, as has been said in regard to these despatches of
ships from Terrenate, India, and Nueva España, that the relatives and
followers of him who made and managed them have profited, now, thanks
to God, things are run more openly and honestly, at least in so far as
I have authority, and in matters that I can prevent or remedy. That I
do, in such manner that well do my condition and that of my servants
attest it; for the latter live on the rations and clothes that I
give them now, and they will do so until they be entitled to more as
citizens, and not by serving me, or by other merits. Consequently,
I can affirm that the offices that my predecessors have given to the
citizens, in fulfilment of your Majesty's orders, I have granted in
the same manner; and have even given them others to which they had
no right, either by custom or royal decree.

[_Marginal note_: "It is well, and I trust that you will govern
yourself in all matters as I expect from your person."]

30th. In regard to preferring one's relatives, I have thus far not
done anything that is not strictly in accordance with your Majesty's
service. Two companies are under one of my cousins and a cousin
of my wife, because of their many years of service when I gave
those companies to them. One of them I entrusted with the office
of alcalde-mayor in a place where he was, for an interim of four
days. Outside of that I remember nothing more in this particular.

I shall not neglect to tell your Majesty what occurs to me in this
matter, so that you may take what measures in it are deemed fitting:
namely, that eight out of ten of the influential men that come here
come with the governors, and the other two in various ways and through
various causes, and with honorable intents. Of those other and common
men who came to retail what they bought there [_i.e._, in España],
those who established a place in order to gamble, and those who came
under sentence (and these men are numerous), some, because of having
acquired money, try to imitate the men of rank and merits here. Of
a truth there are many of the latter to esteem, and I shall do it,
employing each one as he deserves and for what he is suitable. For
that reason, however, it is not advisable that the number of the
influential, good and useful men should not continue to increase. I
assure your Majesty that not a few of those whom I brought with me
were such, and some of them of qualities no less excellent than those
above mentioned possess. I believe that their deeds will remain and
testify as to that.

[_Marginal note_: "Observe in this matter what has been written
you; and whenever there is any occasion for any of these persons to
be employed, advise us of their qualities, and answer will be made
regarding them. In the meantime, furnish a good example, in your good
life, discipline, and manner of governing, so that the other people,
imitating you, may live as is proper and may obey and observe the
commands given them." _In another hand_: "It is well."]

31st. The deeds of Don Luis Fajardo, my brother, will, I trust in God,
judging from the road that he is taking, merit not only the honor
and favor that your Majesty has given him, with the pay of thirty
[pesos?] that he now enjoys (for which we both kiss your royal feet
in all humility and acknowledgment), if not even greater favors,
such as we his brothers receive and his father received.

[_Marginal note_: "It is well.  In everything that pertains to you,
account of your person shall be taken, as well as just remembrance
of the services of your father."]

32d. In one of the letters and decrees of your Majesty, to which I am
replying, was a memorial signed by Joan Ruis de Contreras, concerning
posts, pay, and other things which were represented to your Majesty
as unnecessary. Because of it you ordered it to be sent to me for
the restriction of those things. I shall endeavor to observe it
with the circumspection and consideration that is advisable to the
service of your Majesty, consulting on the matter with the Audiencia,
the master-of-camp, and the royal officials. Whatever expense they
shall find that can be reduced will be reduced. If I believed that
it could be done throughout without any disadvantage, it would all
be done. But for greater justification I shall make this effort;
and if your Majesty shall yet order, notwithstanding what seems
best here, that it is more advisable to retrench everything, that
will accordingly be done. Security will at least be given for the
salaries that are not reduced, by the persons who should enjoy them,
so that they would be returned if your Majesty did not consider it
fitting; or if not, I shall pay them, although I should not do so
willingly. Inasmuch as the salaries of those of all the posts and
offices were not stated in the memorial I shall do so here.

The sargento-mayor of this camp and city of Manila receives forty
ducados of ten reals each per month.

There are three adjutants, two of whom receive pay of twenty-four
ducados per month; while the other serves in the ordinary post of
soldier, waiting until one of the two paid offices becomes vacant,
and on account of meriting more. All are necessary.

The captain of the guard receives twenty-four ducados of ten reals
per month.

The companies have their two drummers and the ordinary additional
pay but not all of them.

The reduction will include the companies that lately came new,
as that is more proper, in order not to cause the old colors to be
disbanded. But they will not be greatly restricted, if the captains
and officers with their staff have brought a year's advance pay from
Nueva Spaña.

The castellan of Manila enjoys eight hundred pesos per year, or
fifty-three ducados of ten reals, and three and one-third reals per
month. If he has an encomienda, in addition to this, as your Majesty
has been informed, it is a very small one.

His lieutenant receives twenty-eight ducados of ten reals.

The other lesser officers and soldiers receive the pay of those of
any company of the army.

The commandants of the forts of Nueva Segovia, the town of Arebalo,
and the city of Cibu, receive each thirteen ducadoes of ten reals,
plus three and one-third reals per month. Will your Majesty decide,
according to the clear statement of this relation, what you desire
to be reduced, and the reduction will be carried out, in accordance
with your royal order; and the said effort will be made immediately,
in order to assure this expense, as it certainly shall be reduced
from now on.

[_Marginal note_: "Join to this section what was written to him, and
bring them here this afternoon. What you write in this section has
been caused by some misunderstanding. In order that you may understand
it better, and that what is advisable be done, three points are to be
noted by you. The first is in regard to the number of men who have the
title of officer. If such offices are those of the old men--that is,
those offices that were introduced, and which have always existed,
since the creation of the infantry [there], and which have always been
filled by such men--there shall be no innovation. In case that other
and supernumerary offices shall have been added, this is what you are
to reduce, because this number of officers is costly and only serves
for expense and the ambition that there be many to command, and that
the infantry be in charge of many superiors. All that is contrary to
good military discipline. Such is usually tolerated in temporary armies
when they go out on a campaign, because of the special achievements
and undertakings in which they are occupied, all of which is usual
in the training of the militia. In the reductions ordered or made in
the armies of Flandes and other places, this order has always been
observed. The contrary is bad government, and means debt where there
is no revenue, and causes the accounts to be always in arrears and
to be never entirely paid--especially to the common soldiers, to whom
the officers are always preferred. The second point concerns the pay,
and what was ordered you by a section of the letter of December 19,
618, and what is contained in the relation of the secretary Juan Ruis
de Contreras. The pay of the ordinary officers shall not be entirely
suppressed but only lessened and reduced in accordance with the old
list; and the increase of pay that has been granted them shall be
reduced for the just causes contained in the despatches where this
is ordered to you. In this consideration, also, you are ordered, by
virtue of what has been given you in the said despatches, that if,
besides what there might be of this reduction of pay, you should find
any pay, even though of those long in service, that is not strictly
necessary, and that will not detract from the necessary defense,
it shall also be lessened and reduced, cautiously, as is advisable,
in order that the service be made effective, that as much expense as
possible be avoided, and that there be sufficient revenue with which
to pay the active and serviceable soldiers. The third point is what
you mention concerning consultation with the Audiencia and with other
persons, in order to avoid difficulties. If this cannot be secured
in executing what has been ordered you, and in the rest, it will be
advisable that you speak clearly and not in ambiguous and general
terms--especially stating what those difficulties are, what injury
they cause, and whether they concern the public, or only the private
affairs of certain interested parties. For to the latter no attention
is to be given, since it is certain that every one is working for his
own interest and profit. Whenever these reductions have been made in
armies and militia, they are resented at the beginning. Everything
is assured, as is advisable, with good management and the execution
of what is ordered. Hence I again charge you most earnestly that,
inasmuch as this matter of the expenses and revenues of those islands
is paramount and cannot be overlooked, you shall endeavor to preserve
whatever is possible, paying heed that the expense of what you shall
take upon yourself does not prove of greater harm than what you are
trying to remedy thereby."]

33d. I shall endeavor to have the same done in all the expenses that
should be increased, when their utility and necessity should not be
clear and evident, if they are not approved and confirmed by your
Majesty. I shall exercise constant care that the expenses do not
increase in the treasury sessions. I have also tried and shall try to
lessen the expenses of the articles that are generally requested from
Nueva Spaña, and that can be avoided; for never have fewer things been
requested than now, as will be seen by the enclosed certifications.

[_Marginal note_: "It is well."]

34th. The most considerable and valuable part of the abundant aid that
your Majesty was informed was given me in Nueva Spaña, when I came
here, was the soldiers; and of them the most and best, and those who
made the best appearance, were the men that I brought from Spaña. The
greater part of these, or nearly all, came aided and helped with my
money, and even with the plate and silver pieces of my household. I
do not know that notice of it should have been given to your Majesty,
for one should not charge to you so slight a service to whom all his
possessions, his blood, and his life are due. Consequently, I am not
surprised that this should have been passed by for another.

[_Marginal note_: "It is well."]

35th. The number of tributes will be placed in the titles of the
encomiendas, what they pay, the value of their products, and in what
district they are located, as your Majesty orders.

Your Majesty has some encomiendas apportioned to your royal crown,
some distance from here and in a district where their products cannot
be used. That is the most serious thing; for the collectors generally
defraud [the royal officials] by saying that it was a bad year,
and that they collected in money. If they confess to have collected
something in kind, they say that it was too great trouble to bring it;
and they sell it there, as they wish--perhaps selling it at retail to
one who immediately returns it to them, and, besides this, harassing
the Indians. On account of the distance, that is not often discovered,
and less often can it be proved. And so that your Majesty might have
much greater benefit from another equal number of tributes, I think
that, as the encomiendas of private persons of La Pampanga and those
in other districts near here, which yield a good harvest in products,
continue to fall vacant, they should be exchanged for the said distant
ones; for the latter will not be unsuitable with which to reward
services. If they have a private person as encomendero, the Indians
will be much better treated, and the tributes will be well collected
and administered, with more justification and mildness. The tributes
near here will result well for your Majesty through the profit on those
paid in kind, which can come from this bay overland and by rivers,
straight to the door of the magazines. It would be better for your
Majesty to have charge of them than the encomenderos, for they are
so near the Indians that they never fail to gather in a harvest of
some kind--either in services, or some other thing. Being so near the
governor, no collector would dare to treat the Indians badly. For
the above reasons I think that I shall place this in execution as
opportunity offers, unless I am so strongly opposed in this as in
other things, that I would be embarrassed in it--although I cannot
see what arguments they would have for doing so.

[_Marginal note_: "Council. This scheme and method of management that
you present is excellent, and thus you shall do. In the council of the
treasury, you shall always continue to deliberate on what could be of
greater advantage to my royal revenues. Thus shall you do and advise,
since it will all be so proper and justifiable, as I expect from
you. You have noted one matter of unjust government, namely, excess
[in the collections.] Accordingly, you ought to censure and punish
it, and not permit any officer of justice or collector, whether for
himself or for third persons, to be able to collect in public auction,
or secretly outside of public auction, any products or articles that
are owed by tributarios, landlords, Indians, or debtors. For great
frauds are wont to ensue in that, and the laws punish and prohibit
such acts as you are advised. For greater justification in the matter,
the above shall be set forth as a clause in the patents made out for
each one of these collectors, with a penalty of four times the amount
of any excess that they might obtain."]

36th. All the letters and decrees directed to this royal Audiencia,
and your Majesty's orders therein, will be punctually fulfilled,
although in the sale of offices, the city declares that it has sent
a petition to your Majesty with representations of the justice in
not diminishing here the little that there is with which to reward
services. However, those that might bring a considerable price will
be sold, and likewise those that might cause no great difficulty.

[_Marginal note_: "It is well. In these matters of difficulties,
you shall observe the order written to you in the preceding section."]

37th. I have heard that some of the reports of services and merits
that are generally made by order and officially, which your Majesty
commands and orders to be made, as is fitting and as is ordered,
have been too much exaggerated and favored by the opinions of the
Audiencia. By this new system, and by what I am attempting and shall
attempt to fulfil, I hope this will be corrected--although since
the making of these reports is usually divided among the auditors,
each one appears to be favorable to his own client. If they agree in
their opinions, this difficulty would scarcely intervene.

Among the reports made and despatched this year are three, seemingly
most justifiable. One is that of Captain Francisco Moreno Donoso,
a man of honorable character, and who, as I have understood, has
fulfilled his obligations as he should--both in peace, where he has
been esteemed and honored; and in affairs of war that have occurred
and have been entrusted to him. If your Majesty be pleased to occupy
him in one of the posts that he desires, and of which the Audiencia
expresses its opinion, my opinion is that he deserves it, and will
give excellent service.

I cannot refrain from saying the same in the second report, that of
Admiral Rodrigo de Guillestegui, for many reasons, especially those
that have moved me to what I have written your Majesty in other
letters, because of his honored abilities, services, and merits.

Admiral Joan Baptista Molina has no less, but as much as he who
deserves them most. He is an old soldier, having served from his
youth, and is as obedient and attentive as when a youth. He deserves
thoroughly what is said in the opinion, but I would be sorry to have
him go from here before me, for I am glad to have the aid of soldiers
who have always professed the trade of arms. On that account your
Majesty should not neglect to concede him the favor that he requests,
for he has also deserved it, as appears from his papers.

[_Marginal note_: "It is well. In these relations and reports made by
the Audiencia, charge them in the assembly that they try to make them
with the exactness and integrity that the case requires. Inasmuch as
the importunity and presumption of the parties necessitates at times
that unsuitable things be said or done, the remedy for that will be for
you to send--in a separate letter, that treats only of this matter--an
annual relation of the persons who have had their reports taken under
color of remuneration for services. You shall say of each one whatever
offers; and here the necessary secrecy will be maintained. Although
you have been informed at length regarding this matter, inasmuch as
it is an essential point you are again charged with it."]

38th. On finishing the present despatch, I shall do what your Majesty
orders me to do, together with the archbishop, both of us summoning
the provincials of the orders who reside here, and charging them with
the reformation of the matters contained in the section that treats
of this.

He who made such a relation to your Majesty might have made it more
complete by saying what is so true, that there are in these orders
(in which also there are those of every sort, as in all countries),
religious so virtuous and exemplary that if laymen did not divert and
engage them in their affairs, they would, I believe, work miracles. But
they are so importuned that many cannot stay in their cells; nor do
those who go to their cells to disturb them leave them until they
negotiate with them what they desire. It might easily happen that any
one who had received an unmerited favor from their hand, gave pay for
it by such a relation, which is the one practiced here. The relation
that I can make for your Majesty is, that there are among them men very
pentitent and of most exemplary life, and of great utility for souls;
and also others who render vain any merits in one who does not fulfil
their command and will. If it has been said that they distress the
Indians, this is not to be believed of all of them, for most of them
at most times respond with great charity and love to the defense of
the natives of their districts, even when the latter are of such a
nature that almost all do not care to have this protection.

In what pertains to your Majesty's service, according to what I
have experienced, I can say that thus far all the orders--each one
in what concerns it generally--have often responded well, for which
I render them many thanks. The fact is, that since that does not
keep them satisfied in all matters (for that is impossible), I have
found the secret for this particular, namely, to refer everything to
the religious of the district where such [_i.e._, personal, by the
Indians] service is rendered to your Majesty, making them masters and
intermediaries in the pay, which takes precedence of all else, as I
have done. Everything is executed in a wonderful and perfect manner;
but without this expedient, there is nothing to hope, but rather the
reverse. For anything that the religious do not wish cannot be done,
by any means or method; for no one has any influence without them,
except themselves. In my opinion, and that of many, they are lords
in the temporal and spiritual affairs of the Indians, both men and
women, and even of the Spaniards. There is no one who can oppose
or who does oppose them, for there is no one from whom to obtain
redress, not only in such things, but in regard to the complaints of
Indians. For the provincials and superiors have before their eyes
the end of their offices, and the necessity of their returning to
be inferiors. Consequently, so long as your Majesty furnishes no
remedy--either by your order that some superior should be sent who
would not have to remain here afterward without acting as superior;
or by giving authority to the bishops of those districts over the
ministers of the missions--it must continue forever as hitherto. Well
might Maestro Don Fray Diego de Guevara tell the little rigor that
the provincial of St. Francis displayed toward certain friars who
lost respect for him--among whom was one who went for the bishop with
a sword and dagger, as if the right of each one was to lie in such
armor. I have heard that he drew up a testimony in order to give your
Majesty an account of it, and also of what little need there is for
a bishop in his bishopric.

I can also tell what happened to me with this same provincial, when,
on the arrival of the morning of holy Thursday, I freed Pedro Alvarez,
government notary--who is said to be some relative of his, and who
was arrested on the charge of that desertion of which I have already
written your Majesty in the present letters, telling you that I would
have recourse to the judge who tried his cause. He succeeded in making
the provincial resolve, and decide obstinately as to what he had to do
for him, or had to preach of me, just as he pleased. He fulfilled it,
as a man of his word. Although it was not much, it was so uncertain,
that his conscience obliged him, according to what the other religious
say, to retract it publicly in another sermon. This is Fray Pedro de
Sant Pablo, one of those considered here as a most holy man. I think
that he must be one.

As appears, by his protection and by that of Fray Joan Baptista of
the same Order of St. Francis, Pedro Alvarez resolved to have me told
that, unless I determined to give to his office the distribution of
the Sangley licenses, he would write [information] against me. That
threat did not give me any anxiety, but such audacity made me angry,
as did the fact that those fathers had given hospitality in their
house for it, if not for my being a magistrate, at least for what I
represent, and since this is the royal patronage. But the latter is
here regarded by them as nothing. Then they draw copies of what my
predecessors in this government thought.

[_Marginal note_: "Ecclesiastical council. In regard to this matter
of the religious, in another section what has been written you is
the order that you must observe; and to the Audiencia, so that they
may order that in no case shall religious be admitted as witnesses,
except in the manner ordered. The same has been said in regard to
the insertions, so that like things or matters may be embarrassed in
no manner. Thus shall you fulfil the order. In accordance with this,
general letters are being written to the provincials of the orders,
which will be given them by your hand. In regard to what you say here
of the sermons, and that the religious reserve approbation or reproof,
with censure or gratefulness, for the persons whom they wish, this is
prohibited by different general laws, councils, orders, etc. In some
of their own special rules, a penalty is assigned them, among others,
of reserved excommunication [29] to the [_MS. holed_]lation. Thus shall
you be advised of this, so that you may govern yourself according
to the matters that arise; and you shall inform those fathers. You
shall endeavor to avoid the trouble caused you by what you say in
this section, and shall reduce matters to plain and open terms, so
that what you say at the last shall not contradict what you say in
the beginning. Have general letters written to all the provincials
of the orders, who already know that it is forbidden under the most
severe penalties by divers councils, canonical rules, orders, laws,
etc., and by our decrees, for preachers to censure the government
in the sermons that they give to the people or in conversation with
private persons, or to speak evil of their ecclesiastical or secular
superiors, by censuring their management or action, in order that the
people or private persons may not cast discredit on their superiors
and be scandalized. Neither shall they meddle or interfere in secular
affairs; but shall continue in their seclusion, and in the observance
of their vows, as they are obliged. Inasmuch as it has been learned
that, contrary to the tenor of all this, and to the serious harm of the
administration of justice, many religious and preachers, and others
who hold special offices transgress against the above rules, from
which results odium cast on the religious, factions, the intimidation
of justice, the reduction of affairs to their way of thinking and to
their will, and other great annoyances, which they cause continually
under pretext of insertions, importunities, and impositions hidden
under the name of charity: I charge and warn you to take particular
care that the religious of your order and you, in what concerns you,
observe the aforesaid, and they likewise. They shall not transgress
in proceedings of that sort, for such things being so, it will be
necessary to use other and more special remedies, as has already
been called to your attention by the said decrees despatched to the
viceroys, audiencias, and governors of their districts. I expect from
your devotion, and from your obligation for the continued kindness that
is shown you, that you will endeavor to inculcate the reform and proper
method of procedure in this that is required for the good government
of those islands, and the preservation of the public peace."]

39th. In order that your Majesty may know what this Pedro Alvarez
demands, I shall relate it here as briefly as possible, referring you
to the report made concerning it (which is enclosed with the licenses
of the Sangleys), since these licenses have been given in writing here,
many years since [30] the imposition or tax of the eight pesos, for
distribution by different persons to whom the governor committed it,
or whom he appointed. Of these the Sangleys paid two reals for the
cost of the document, whether printed or written. The notary, judge,
interpreter, and other agents who made this distribution, according
to the order of the judge himself or of the governor, were ordered to
distribute them. In this the government notary never had any hand,
share, or participation. Many years after the payment of the eight
pesos which were collected for it, and slightly before the death of
Don Juan de Silva, Gaspar Alvarez, then government notary, petitioned
the governor to allow him to countersign them after the former had
signed them, in order to get hold of it. This is the same thing that
his nephew demands now. Don Juan, who was under many obligations to
him, and was by nature very liberal, did not hesitate to concede it
to him. Consequently, Gaspar Alvarez countersigned the licenses by
declaring that he did so. I do not know why so special a commission
as this should belong to the government notary--especially when,
because he may be busy or for just reasons, the governor does not
sign them, and entrusts them to a trustworthy and qualified person
who signs them. For if this had to be given to the charge of the
government notary, although from the division of the two reals he
would get only the third, which would amount to five hundred pesos,
besides another four hundred that he demands annually from the royal
treasury, by arguments that moved them at a meeting of the treasury
to concede them to him--but which I abrogated because it did not seem
proper, as I have advised your Majesty before now, from which has
resulted that anger of his--the whole would amount to nine hundred
pesos of sure income, which means a principal of eighteen thousand
pesos, although it only cost seventeen thousand, for which your
Majesty sold the office to him. The office yielded [_MS. holed_:
last?] year, without counting these nine hundred pesos, more than
two thousand five hundred. In other matters pertaining to this,
I refer to the report that, as above stated, in enclosed herewith.

[_Marginal note_: "It is well. Have the fiscal examine this
section." _In another hand_: "It was taken to the fiscal."]

40th. I had already made a beginning in what your Majesty orders to
be done in the opening and working of gold mines, as I was desirous
of obtaining such an order by authority, with excellent news. What I
can impart of it is the news written me by Captain Garcia de Aldana,
to whom I entrusted it. [31] Consequently, I am sending his letter
and a copy with this, and his duplicate, in which he adds that they
have greater hopes than those that we promised ourselves from the
mines, since we had to continue the entrance into those provinces,
and endeavor to enjoy the fruits of our labor, with the pacification
and reduction of so many people to the service of your Majesty,
and their souls to the service of God (which is the thing of
chief importance). If all cannot be obtained at once, it is well
to have already made a beginning, and that it shall continue to
advance. Touching the gold, it cannot be little, since those Indians
who are called Ygolotes do not extract more than what they need
for trade and barter--for cattle, salt, and iron--with our peaceful
Indians with whom they trade. One year ago, from that province alone,
according to the report here, the latter brought for sale to this
city about twenty thousand taes, each of which is equivalent to
a peso of ten reals. When we secure efficient management of these
mines and the duties from them, it may be that they will help in
many expenses. That I shall do this with as great energy and force as
possible, there is no doubt. The fathers of the Order of St. Dominic
have assisted me greatly in this; and those of St. Augustine, in this
and in whatever has offered in the service of your Majesty. For what
I owe in all this, and in order to declare the truth in all things,
I certify this to your Majesty.

Although the fathers of the Society have no missions in those provinces
near there, they supported very well by writing and speech the reasons
and just rights that we had for making this entrance, so that no one
doubted them--not even the members of the Audiencia, as I have written
to your Majesty in this letter. What I can say of the Jesuits and their
devotion, system, procedure, and prudence, and their gain of souls, is
that they differ in no wise from what they are and do in those kingdoms
[_i.e._, España and Portugal], and in those where they exert themselves
in the conversion of new Christianities. For that reason, and because
they do not return [to Europe] daily, as do others, it will be a good
thing for your Majesty to grant them the religious that they request.

The discalced Recollects of St. Augustine also help toward the same
end of the pacification of the said provinces. I have known naught but
humility among them in all things hitherto, and they do not meddle
with the government of what does not concern them; nor do they do
anything else outside their profession--offering to take charge of
certain missions on the entrance into Ytuy, which lies on the other
side next the missions of the Ygolotes. I bear them in mind and will
try to act in concert with them by this same path, God helping. May
His Divine Majesty, as He is able, bring it to pass so that they may
know Him as their God, and your Majesty for their as well as our king.

[_Marginal note_: "Ecclesiastical."]

41st. Thanks to our Lord, this country is peaceful and prosperous
in other things. The native vassals are orderly and full of courage,
and those who were living in the forests have been reduced to their
settlements and missions, being very confident that their possessions
will not be taken from them, and that no repartimiento or [_MS. holed_:
edict?] will be made among them, or that any other service will
force them to flee or to be made slaves, in order to make them render
service, as has happened to innumerable of these poor wretches; for
they hope that what I have done hitherto to relieve them from so many
burdens will be continued. If I avail myself of their services in any
unavoidable and necessary labor, I do so, by paying them beforehand,
saving the money from other things for it. Consequently, they now
rather desire the opportunity to earn money by their services or the
products of their fields, which now they reckon and hold as their
own. I trust that, with divine favor, this will go daily from good
to better, and that everything will succeed in the same way, until
acts of injustice to these poor wretches will be avoided. Although
I was taking delight in doing thus, now I am very happy, for I have
learned what your Majesty desires, and that you commit this to me.

They and we are so well supplied with churches that inside this
city and about one legua around it, there are thirty of them, unless
I have counted wrong; and of those not three are of other material
than stone, nor are there as many others that fail to cause expense
to your Majesty and labor to the natives--and this in one legua about
the city as I have said, in a semicircle, which is even not entire,
for the other half falls within this bay. I have not resolved before
now to inform your Majesty of it, because I hesitated, on the grounds
that our Lord would be just so much better served by the increase of
churches, and these Christians would be better governed. But since your
Majesty is discussing the limitation of this, I cannot refrain from
answering you with the plain and naked truth. Well do I know that this
and the other things that I have related have not [_MS. holed_] me,
because I am already advised of it; and [_MS. holed_] resolution and
execution of many, among whom are some who have issued a proclamation
[for the services of the Indians?], while it was prohibited, for anyone
in the world, not only of their profession but also for seculars,
to issue one. But considering as surely slight any peril that will
result, if revenge is to be taken on truth as truth, while, on the
contrary, the neglect to tell the truth will result in great risk,
I am convinced that I am doing my duty in this. [32] If they should
say that I am a very good governor, your Majesty does not excuse me
from my residencia for that reason. If they should say that I am very
evil, I petition you to hear us all, and that you will pardon me for
saying this which was unnecessary.

[_Marginal note_: "Ecclesiastical government. You mention some
things in this section which it is advisable for you to understand
thoroughly because of their gravity and for their better management,
as follows. What you say of the good treatment of the natives, and
of the burdens and evils that come upon them, is excellent. Endeavor
that what you think best be carried out in regard to their services,
relieving, consoling, and comforting them by good works, equity, and
administration of justice, taking their cause _ex officio_ against the
more influential and powerful who [_MS. holed_: oppress?] them. This,
being to the service of our Lord and good government, will give a most
effective example and method for the reduction of the rest of the
natives of those islands, and their incorporation into the Catholic
church and our government. Accordingly endeavor to do what you have
so thoroughly understood, and live with the prudence that the matter
necessitates. Inform yourself by all means of what is being done,
and of the fruit that results from it. No church or convent, not
even a chapel, ought to be, or can be, founded unless concurrent
with your permission, and that of the Audiencia, together with
that of the ordinary. You shall demolish and reduce to its former
state what should be done in violation of this, for the contrary is
disobedience, spoliation, and offense; and it is not proper that
reward, or permission to contradict what is proper, should follow
from such assumptions, and that the insolent shame by their license
those who are obedient and modest. The number of churches that you
mention seems great, and there is excess in that, about which it is
proper to be cautious. For few churches, well served and endowed,
are advisable and are sufficient, while from a great number of them
signal disadvantages arise. You shall take note of all this, for
religious zeal, when unaccompanied with the knowledge and prudence
necessary, becomes excess and disorder, and a matter for troubles,
which will be avoided by seeing that the churches are established in
the manner above mentioned."]

42d. One of those of this profession, named Pedro Leussara, has been
arrested on the petition of parties whom he has greatly offended,
by word and writing, in the most vital part of their honor--and
without proof, as will be seen by the writ. In this matter, if natural
inclination frees from guilt, he will have to remain free.

[_Marginal note_: "It is well."]

43d. A ship just now in from Malaca brings as news that it was known
there that the Dutch and English were already allied; but when the
relief that we are awaiting arrives, I hope, with Divine favor,
for better results. May our Lord give them to us, as He is able;
and may He preserve the royal Catholic person of your Majesty, as
Christendom needs. Manila, August 15, 1620.

[_Marginal note_: "War. It is well. You have already been advised
concerning this."]

44th. While about to direct these despatches, so that they might cross
over to Mindoro--where the ships generally stop in order to lighten
and get sailors for their voyage--I am told that the ships had not
even been able to double the island of Fortuna, because of the violent
head-winds, which have continued there with so great force; and also
that [_MS. holed_] from China, which, although it is more than one
month since they left, have not had the weather to enable them to
get entirely free of the shoals and promontories of this bay, which
is in [_MS. holed_] the greatest difficulty. I trust, God helping,
that the weather will moderate, for the sake of all.

_Don Alonso Fajardo de Tença_

[_This belongs to the second section_: "Have a letter written to
the viceroy of Nueva España, enclosing a copy of this section,
and advising him at the same time of what is being written to the
governor. Having informed himself of these disorders and lack of
good management that have been observed in the government agents
and persons who take part in that despatch of ships, he shall be
advised that he must investigate and punish it. What results from
that is being awaited for public example, which is so necessary,
and for the better despatch of those ships. Inasmuch as both the
remedy and the punishment are to be included in this investigation,
you [_i.e._, the viceroy of Nueva España] shall endeavor to procure
the execution of this with the earnestness demanded by the matter. In
the future very trusty men shall be appointed, namely, men who do
not commit the offenses and disorders so strongly prohibited. The
vessels particularly shall sail very lightly laden, and in the order
mentioned in the preceding section. Inasmuch as I understand that what
the governor notes in his letter about sending unnecessary and costly
things has been remedied, you are again charged to send a detailed
relation every year to the Council of everything sent [to Filipinas],
so that we may know what articles and products are sent, their prices,
and whether they contain any things mentioned by the governor. It
is a serious matter, and one that heavily charges your conscience
and the reputation of the officials--who in that matter are aware
that it is declared that in order to burden the royal treasury and
to give advantages to third persons, opportunity is given for such
actions. The service that you would perform would be very grateful
to us, if you would advise us immediately of the condign punishment
of any official guilty of such an offense; for it is a great offense
for those who are placed in offices to protect the royal treasury,
and to benefit the public cause, to convert the exercise of their
offices into all manner of wrongs like this."]

[_Note to section 4_: "Have a copy of this section sent to the
[India] House of Trade. State that although the matter there mentioned
has always been considered harmful to the general commerce of these
kingdoms; and although the silver which must come here from Peru would
in great part, if not all, be taken to Eastern Yndia, and delivered
to our enemies, whereby two wrongs would ensue, since the Filipinas
serve only as a station and bridge: still we have considered whether
adjusting the matter in the following manner would be a suitable
expedient, and one that would avoid all the troubles mentioned. That
the reënforcements be sent straight to Filipinas from Panama, since
it is a road so sure and favorable; and also, as pointed out in this
section, one could take the merchandise from España that would be
useful and valuable in Filipinas, with which the blessing of this
trade could be enjoyed; and that the soldiers could sail from España
until they should disembark for the short journey from Chagre River to
Panama. In order to avoid any silver from Peru being taken in these
vessels on their departure to Filipinas and so that the merchandise
of those islands might not be brought to Peru on the return trip
(which is forbidden), it shall be ordered that the return trip
of those ships be to Acapulco, as now--prohibiting them under any
circumstance from returning to Panama, Callao, or any port of Tierra
Firme; and so that these boats should not remain [idle] in Acapulco
without making a voyage, they might be used for the voyage to Peru,
because of the permission that has been decreed for the preservation
of mutual correspondence and trade between Peru and Acapulco. They
shall advise us of their opinion, so that all expedient measures
may be taken. Likewise have all the matter bearing on this in the
Peruvian secretarial office collected, so that, upon the arrival of
the relation from Lalasa, the most expedient measures in all things
may be taken, and the [present] section of this letter answered."]

[_Note to section 13, which these decrees concern_: "Have a letter
written to the Audiencia telling them that inasmuch as it has
been learned that some government officials, both lawyers and
clerks, notwithstanding the prohibition decreed by royal acts,
laws, and decrees--forbidding them to trade or engage in business,
buy, sell, or lade vessels, themselves or through intermediaries,
under the penalties contained in the said laws, acts, and decrees
against all the aforesaid--secretly and clandestinely, under cover of
intermediaries, make confidants of certain persons, so that, by means
of the said trade, they not only become rich but prove an obstacle to
the benefit of the royal revenues, besides causing other evils which
are not mentioned because they are well known: for the correction of
all this it has been commanded and ordered that if any of the said
officials should be guilty of like transgressions, the president and
governor and captain-general of those islands shall investigate and
verify the aforesaid and send us a report, so that, after examining
it, justice may be meted out and the fitting remedy applied. When
the said investigation shall prove guilt, we have ordered the said
president by an act, to sequester property, and to be rigorous in
the sentence of this execution, according as we decreed it, and in
the form ordered. In order that you understand this, this decree is
despatched." _In another hand_: "Despatch a decree to the Audiencia,
so that if there should be any mutual doubt--whether any on the part
of the president toward the Audiencia, or on the part of the latter
toward the president, concerning the matters of ceremony that must be
observed toward the said president and governor and captain-general
of those islands and his wife--in such case, the claims of each
side shall be considered with the modesty, gravity, and promptness
that are desirable; and I shall be advised of the result, so that
after examining it I may decree what is expedient. And inasmuch as
time spent in such matters is not only the loss of time necessary for
other things, but also the causing of certain rivalries harmful to the
common welfare; and inasmuch as under this pretext they are accustomed
to revenge themselves for certain causes of anger: in order to avoid
disturbances from persons who are obliged to give so good an example,
I thus also order and command, and desire that you understand that,
together with decreeing what shall be expedient in such matters, I
shall order that he who shall be at all guilty of this, or who should
violate customs or make any demonstration at public celebrations that
is observed, or who leaves the body of the church or the public place
where he ought to be, be punished severely and exemplarily; for that
very thing serves as a scandal to the public, and a bad example to
all, and these acts would arouse mutual enmities, to the harm of the
royal service."]

[_Note to section 20_: "Have a letter written to the Audiencia saying
that inasmuch as letters were sent to them in regard to these matters
in the despatch of a former year, on such and such a day of such a
month and of such a year, a section to the following effect (here
insert the section). And now it has been learned by a letter from
Don Alonso Faxardo, present governor of those islands, that those
criminals have been set at liberty; and, in order that what happened
in this matter may be understood, it is ordered that you send a
copy of the records, together with the part of the fiscal, with a
memorial collated by him of all that results from the deed; so that,
having examined it, the expedient measures may be taken, and that
the condition of everything may be understood. The memorial and the
records which shall be remitted shall be communicated to the governor,
so that if there should be anything of which to advise, he may do it."]

[_Note to section 22_: "Have a letter written to the Audiencia and
a copy of it sent to the governor, in which mention shall be made
that although it has been ruled by royal ordinances and decrees, and
by other divers letters and orders, as to those things which must be
observed, and the official visits to the natives in all and whatsoever
parts where there are missions and where justice is administered,
this is not obeyed with the exactness required by the case; and
on that depends the relief and compensation of the poor, and the
punishment of those who live licentiously, or make bad use of their
offices. The visits were introduced for the consolation and relief of
the natives--not only on that account, but in order to ascertain the
characteristics of each region, and the products and articles that can
be produced in them and carried in case of need to any other region;
and in order to take what measures may be advisable for justice and
good government. It has been learned that this has not been done with
the exactness required, and that on account of the personal occupation
and toils that generally accompany it, you excuse yourselves and state
other objections, in order not to make those visits; but I order you
to busy yourselves in them, in accordance with the order that shall
be given you by your president, Don Alonso Fajardo, who shall advise
me of what shall be done in this. You shall take very special care
to send a minute copy of the findings for the districts visited; for
thus it is advisable for the good government and for the information
that must be had of affairs there; and so that what has been ordered
for the benefit of the natives may not be converted into mischief
and burdens for them, especially since that land is pacified. It is
ordered to you that, in going to make the said visits, you observe
the order decreed, avoiding followers and retainers. And in order
that we may have the satisfaction necessary from this, when you send
a relation of the said visits, you shall send one of the men whom
the visitor took with him, and an account of what occurred in this."]





Letter from Felipe III to Fajardo


The King: To Don Alonso Faxardo de Tenza, my governor and
captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, and president of my royal
Audiencia residing there. The letter which you wrote me on the tenth
of August of the past year has been received and examined in my royal
Council of the Yndias; and the resolutions adopted in regard to the
matters discussed therein will be explained to you in this.

You say that Francisco Lopez Tamayo, on account of his many years and
ill health, has left the office of accountant which he occupied, and
that you have appointed in his place Pedro de Lenzara, as he appeared
to you a suitable and intelligent person. In filling this office you
have used the care and attention which the matter demands; accordingly
the appointment will remain with [him as] a person competent for
this employment.

You inform us that in a council held in the time of your predecessor,
which consisted of himself, the auditors of the Audiencia there,
and the officials of my royal exchequer, it was decided to give,
distributed among them and the archbishop of the metropolitan church of
that city, and other officials of the said Audiencia, three thousand
four hundred fanégas of rice at the price at which my tributes are
given to me; and when you saw that they had not my order for this,
you ordered that the said grant of rice should not be continued, and
that what had been received should be restored if I did not decree
otherwise. In this order, and in discontinuing the four hundred pesos
which were given to the governor's secretary, you have done well,
and this action was advisable, and conformable to justice; and you
are to understand that, if there are other affairs of this kind
beside those which you have pointed out, they are to be corrected,
and an account of everything given to my fiscal, so that in respect
to them he may fulfil the obligation of his office.

You have done well in having ordered that the money from the treasury
of property of deceased persons in that city--which used to be taken
to the treasury at Mexico without benefit in the property for their
souls or their heirs, being divided or invested by order of the court
having the jurisdiction in such matters--should be placed in my royal
treasury and be paid in the said treasury of Mexico from the money
which on my account is to be sent to those islands. What you have
decreed in regard to this is just and expedient; and as for what
you mention in regard to the proceeds of the bulls, you will do the
same if the circumstances and conditions of their collection allow
of it. You will act according to previous directions.

You say that the licentiate Andres de Alcaraz, my auditor in that
Audiencia, wished to go to Mexico last year in the ships which left
those islands for Nueva España; and that, he did not do so because
he was sick, and because of your urgent request that he should not
desert the Audiencia until the other auditors thereof should become
proficient in the despatch of business and the duties of their offices,
on account of the lack of harmony among them. As it is fitting that
those things which you mention in general terms should be explained
in detail, you will advise me what they are, and in regard to what
persons, since as president of that Audiencia you are in duty bound to
give the information, so that, having been considered, provision may be
made according to justice; and in the meantime you ought to correct and
warn them in such manner that all shall be peaceful and that scandal
shall cease--for this is the sole cause of bad government, of justice
losing its prestige, and of those who are appointed to remedy evils
being the authors thereof. In order to do away with this, I have had
letters written to the other auditors (a copy of which is sent you),
warning them that they must be subject to your person, and maintain
the respect and ceremony due to you by virtue of your office. Of the
rest which you mention in that clause I have been informed.

As for what you say in regard to not considering it expedient for my
royal service that the order which I have given should be executed
which directs that, on the death of the governors of those islands,
the duties of the office of captain-general should be exercised by
the oldest auditor of that Audiencia; and what seems best to you
to provide in this matter in order to do away with the difficulties
which might be feared if, the licentiate Andres de Alcaraz being gone,
the licentiate Jeronimo de Legaspi should enter upon the said office,
as he is the next oldest auditor, considering the scandal and evil
example with which he and his son, Don Antonio de Legaspi, are living:
may God be pleased to grant you health, so that this thing will not
happen which you wish to anticipate; and for this office there are
always persons appointed, and therefore you need not be anxious about
this. Since you show so much dissatisfaction with the said licentiate
Jeronimo de Legaspi, and he and his son have conducted themselves
ill, you will make such investigation as seems most fitting to you;
and with the results thereof you will prefer charges against him,
together with his answers thereto, and send them to my Council, so
that, having examined the documents, they may provide a remedy. I send
you a commission for this with this letter, and you are warned that
your principal duty as president is to watch and be attentive to the
method of procedure of every one of the officials who are dependents of
this government. With which I charge your conscience, and warn you of
the account which you have to give to our Lord therefor, that you may
proceed in a manner not to intimidate justice, nor to propose anything
which shall not be purely for the service of His Divine Majesty, and
the relief of your conscience and mine. Accordingly, let it be noted
that you favor your friends with commendatory reports, or injure those
who are not so well disposed to you by accusing or censuring them;
for, considering that there is no other person there in whom this
trust can be placed except yourself, this warning is necessary.

You recount the service of the licentiate Don Juan de Albarado
Bracamonte in the office of fiscal of that Audiencia, and the
confidence that you have in him. As I have decreed what has appeared to
be expedient in regard to this man, and you will have heard thereof,
I have ordered him to be investigated on account of the continual
complaints I have received in regard to him. I warn you, as in the
preceding clause, that you shall proceed in these reports as justly
and cautiously as is necessary, considering the account which you must
give to God of them; and before you make them you should consider
them with the great attention which I confidently expect from you,
on account of the injuries which would follow if this were not done,
both to the welfare of the people and to yourself.

What you say in regard to the affair at the seminary of Santa
Potenciana, and the investigations which were made in regard to it by
the licentiate Jeronimo de Legaspi, concerning the persons who were
guilty, and the state in which its lawsuits were, may be reduced to
three points. The first, which concerns the seclusion which ought to
be maintained in this seminary, is of the gravest importance; and it
is necessary that there should be special care exercised in regard
to its prudent management, its reception-rooms, and doorkeepers,
and especially the porters. To this end it would be desirable to
inspect the said seminary often, and that its superior should place
only approved persons on guard in the house and residence of those
who are inmates, so that it may be as well secured and safe as is
right; and that with its inmates, if they are guilty, the measures
provided for by the sacred canons and councils should be taken. For
it is not right that a house of prayer, seclusion, and retirement
should be an offense, and scandal, and a cause for sacrilege. As for
the secular persons concerned, I charge and order you to inform them
that the crime which they have committed is one of the greatest which
cry out before God our Lord, defy justice, and offend the nations
and the public cause. And a severe example must be made of them,
not only in the maintenance of justice but in the prompt despatch of
the suits and cases of those who were implicated in so vile a deed;
accordingly you will advise me fully, at all opportunities, of the
condition in which they are, and of the execution of penalties,
and of the corrective measures that have been applied to the said
seminary. The second point concerns the complaint which you present in
regard to the appeals from your decisions which are interposed. This
is so well provided for by the laws that merely by commanding that
these be observed you will have at your disposal all that can be used
for good of justice and of your government; for, in spite of the
appeal of the parties, you can execute the sentence when the guilt
of the accused and the gravity of the case require it. It cannot be
presumed that the Audiencia will hinder you in its execution in such
cases; for what is permitted to an ordinary judge could not justly be
hindered in you, being the person that you are, and the head of that
government. Accordingly, for the fuller justification of the case,
I have ordered that the letter which goes with this be written to
the said Audiencia, and by the copy [sent to you] you will be aware
of its tenor. The third point concerns the lack of obedience in
military matters, and the hindrance to punishment therein. This evil
will be charged to you if you do not exercise in it the most thorough
vigilance, in punishing not only insolent and lawless acts, but even
the appearance of them, and all that would approach either possible
or actual disobedience. For you know that without such strictness
there can be no military discipline, nor any successful result; and
the arms which are borne for the defense of the commonwealth will be
turned to its damage. Accordingly you must treat such cases summarily,
in such manner that there shall be no delay permitted in the punishment
of the act, so that it shall not cause an evil example or scandal. As
for what you mention concerning appeals in this regard, a decision
is sent in the said letter to the Audiencia, as you will there see.

You inform us that the king of Japon and several private persons--great
vassals, and lords of ports of that kingdom--have usually had presents
and valuable articles sent to them from your city at my expense, every
year when a ship went to that country; and for several years this
has not been done, and various religious persons have considered the
matter, and say that those Japanese have observed this, and attributed
it as a lack of esteem for their friendship; and this has aroused them
to resentment, and to prefer the friendship of the Dutch, on account of
the many presents which they give to the Japanese from the spoils they
have taken. You say that since there are some advantages in retaining
friendly intercourse with that country, and for other reasons, you
give me an account of this that I may order what is most fitting for my
service. This consists in the measures suggested by your own prudence,
with the information that you have of the present state of affairs,
and the ordinary relations with Japon; and to whom, how, when, and
in what quantity it is best to make these gifts, in such manner that
they shall only serve to win back their friendship, and not appear a
regular and settled thing, in the manner of an acknowledgment [_i.e._,
of subjection to them]--for that, in the course of time, might be
troublesome in other matters. Accordingly, examining into this in
conformity with your obligation for the benefit of my royal estate,
you will do in this matter what, considering the time and occasion,
you shall judge suitable for the interests of our religion, which is
introduced into Japon, and for peaceful intercourse and friendship,
and the greatest benefit to the traffic and commerce of those islands.

All you say in regard to the affection with which the citizens
of that city came forward to serve me on the occasion of the last
year--offering not only their persons and servants, but lending the
slaves that they have and a hundred and ninety-five thousand pesos--is
very gratifying. To these persons in especial, and to all generally,
you will show this reply, that they may understand how grateful I
am for their loyal service and fidelity; and that on occasions which
may arise for their advancement and benefit in property, they will be
remunerated, as will be seen in future. As to what you say in regard
to Don Juan Ronquillo no resolution will be adopted in regard to him
until the termination of the suit in which he is engaged. The affair
will be settled as soon as possible after the arrival of the papers,
and on that will depend what shall be done with this person--of whose
service and their good results I am well informed, and for which I
wish to show him favor. In regard to Rodrigo de Guilestegui you will
advise me more fully in what way provision can be made for him. I
have been advised of the good qualities and merits which you say are
displayed in Don Fernando Centeno Maldonado. You mention likewise
how little justification there is for some of the informations
which have been made by that Audiencia concerning the merits and
services of those who claim that I should favor them. This has been
so understood in my Council of the Yndias; and, for its remedy, you
will so conduct this matter in the session of the Audiencia that no
information shall be despatched, notwithstanding that it shall have
been reviewed by an auditor, without its being again looked over by
the whole Audiencia in its entirety--you being present as president,
governor, and captain-general--and in no other manner; and each one
giving his opinion, even if he alone should think that the merits of
the person are insufficient because, on account of favor or by other
means, they are presented when not based upon adequate services. In the
case of Gonzalo Bazquez de Lara, notary, what you have done is proper;
and you will advise me in detail of the execution of sentence in this
case, as you know the great evils which this would cause in the future,
and which have come from it in the past, and how important it is to
purge the commonwealth of such persons.

The orders of the Society and St. Dominic have been provided with
the persons whom their superiors asked for, as you will be aware;
thus your suggestion in regard to this has been carried out.

Since you say that the Order of St. Augustine has taken in its charge
with great zeal to facilitate and execute all which has been and is
necessary to accomplish in my royal service--and especially Fray
Alonzo de Baraona, the provincial, and the definitors have done
so--it will be very desirable that you should therefore confer
with them, and likewise with the provincial and definitors of the
discalced [Augustinians], and give them to understand my gratitude
to them. You will especially express to them the pleasure which I
have experienced in learning their good reputation for procedure,
religion, and prudence, and suggest that they should continue this,
as I trust they will; and say that I shall always remember, both in
general their order in those islands, and themselves individually,
as they shall see by the results. And you shall take care to encourage
them to the preaching of the gospel, and the benefit and enrichment of
souls, so that the public welfare shall not suffer for lack thereof;
for it is my intention to aid them so far as possible; and the affairs
of those islands, although they lie so far distant from my court, are
very near to my thoughts. I trust through our Lord that, He lending
you His divine favor, and you meriting it by your good government,
you may put all in such good order that it will be preserved and
advanced, and the enemy shall lose more.

There are none of your letters which have not been answered, and the
same may be said of those from the Audiencia, the officials of my
royal estate, and other officers. Madrid, December 13, 1620.


_I The King_

By command of the king, our lord:

_Pedro de Ledesma_





Memorial, y Relacion para sv Magestad


By, Hernando de los Rios Coronel. Madrid: Fernando Correa, 1621.

_Source_: This is translated and synopsized from the copy of the
original printed work owned by the Library of Congress.

_Translation_: The translation and synopsis are made by Robert
W. Haight and James A. Robertson.





_Memorial_,

_And Relation_

_For His Majesty, of the Procurator-General of the_

Filipinas, of what it is advisable to reform, and of the wealth
contained in them, and in the Islands of Maluco.

In the year 1621.

_Madrid_

By _the widow of Fernando Correa_.




Memorial and Relation of the Filipinas


Sire:

I, Hernando de los Ríos Coronel; an ordained priest, and
procurator-general of the Filipinas Islands, Maluco, and all that
archipelago, declared that, about thirty-two years ago or more,
I went to the Filipinas Islands, where I lived a considerable time
in the military habit and exercise, and as a citizen of the city of
Manila, but with greater desires than strength to serve your Majesty,
and endeavoring to give indications of this to all the inhabitants
of that kingdom. On that account, they charged me with, and loaded
upon my shoulders, in the year 1605, the weight of their cares and
troubles. I came to this court, where I prostrated myself many times
before the royal feet of his Majesty who is in heaven, and gave him
an account of those things. I returned to that kingdom in the year
1610, to give account there of myself, and of my mission, undergoing
many hardships and perils. Although such might have been avoided,
and I could have made stipulations for my comfort and rest, as I had
opportunity to do in your royal Council of the Indias, I confess that
I know not what interior force and natural inclination has always
induced me to prefer the service of your Majesty, and the welfare and
increase of that kingdom, to my own rest or comfort--which, in order
to follow your service, I have never regarded as important, or given
it any care. Inasmuch as times change affairs, and considering the many
casualties caused by the enemy from Olanda, things have come to a very
different pass from that in which I then left them. For that reason,
that entire kingdom and its estates resolved that I should return again
to confer with your Majesty and your royal councils concerning what was
most advisable for your royal service and the welfare and relief of
that land. And although I found that I needed some rest in a corner,
and it was a severe trial for me to consent again to undergo more
arduous labors, and difficulties so much greater as are the gravity of
affairs in those islands and the multitude of the enemies with whom the
seas are infested, yet that desire and inclination [for your Majesty's
service] had so much power over me that I postponed all my rest.

I offer your Majesty this relation, which, when I came to this court
about three years ago, [33] I gave to his Majesty who is in heaven,
so that he might be informed, as was desirable, of that kingdom so
remote from his royal eyes. I felt now that I was obliged to present
it to your Majesty, and on this occasion I have taken the opportunity
to extend it to greater length, and to give your Majesty a fuller
account--being encouraged to do so by seeing the glorious beginnings
that your Majesty has given to your monarchy, on which, in the name
of that kingdom, I give your Majesty a thousand congratulations,
and may you enjoy it very many years, with the greatest happiness
and increasing prosperity. I have written this relation with entire
exactness and truth regarding all the facts that I have collected
during so many years--and thus as well as was possible to me--without
considering any human respects, which are what usually obscure such
mirrors, in order that they might not give the light that is desirable
in such an account. I relate, then, what has occurred in Filipinas,
from the time of their first discoverers; their tendency toward,
advancement; and the mildest and most advisable measures for the
attainment of admirable ends. I trust, through God our Lord, that,
if this child and offspring of my intellect has the good fortune
to pass before the royal eyes of your Majesty, it will be of great
importance to your royal service.

[The present book is divided into three parts. Part first, consisting
of ten chapters, is a short résumé of Philippine history from the
earliest discoveries until the naval battle at Playa Honda with
the Dutch. The second part, consisting of seven chapters, deals
more intimately with the needs and resources of the islands, and
the importance of their conservation--that is, of matters that fell
particularly to Los Rios in his capacity of procurator-general. The
third part, in five chapters, relates to ecclesiastical matters in the
Philippines, and contains brief remarks on the Moluccas. The first six
chapters of part first are here only synopsized, with some extracts,
as they deal with matters rather fully presented heretofore in this
series. All the remainder of the book is translated in full.]



Part First

[Chapter I treats "of the first discoverers of the Filipinas, and of
their location." In rapid survey Los Rios sketches the expeditions of
Magalhães, Loaisa, Villalobos, and Legazpi, although wrongly placing
the latter's death in 1574 instead of 1572. The location of the islands
is briefly described and the names of some of the principal ones given,
among them "Mindanao, which is the largest, and with which we are at
war, although it had formerly rendered your Majesty homage." Continuing
his narrative, the governorships of Guido de Labaçares (whose
death is wrongly stated as occurring in 1575), Francisco de Sande,
the two Ronquillos (who are mentioned as brothers), and Santiago
de Vera, are lightly mentioned. Limahon's expedition against Manila
(wrongly ascribed to the period of Legazpi's governorship), and Sande's
expedition to Borneo are particularly mentioned. The latter sacked the
Bornean king's city "with but little justification." In his time also
the Chinese trade begins to be steady. Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa
on coming to assume the governorship, according to the terms of his
contract, brings a number of colonists, "who were called _rodeados_
[34] because they had come by way of Panama ... He was a peaceful
man, although--because he had brought two sons with him, besides
other relatives, whom he allowed to live with considerable laxity;
and because numerous complaints had been written from the city to
his Majesty--his Majesty, seeing the great trouble experienced in
preaching the gospel, the evil example that those sons and relatives
furnished, and the harm that this would cause unless it were stopped,
removed Ronquillo from his governorship, and sent the royal Audiencia
to govern, and as governor and captain-general its president, one
Santiago de Vera." On the latter's arrival he finds Diego Ronquillo
governing because of Gonzalo's death. An Indian, in snuffing the
candles on the latter's catafalque, accidentally sets fire to some
rich draperies. The fire remains unnoticed and smoulders until, the
friars in attendance having left the church, it bursts into flame,
and the city is entirely burned, and the site of the fort, Santiago,
becomes a lake. Tomas Vimble (Candish), who captures the Santa Ana near
California in 1587, sets all its crew ashore, with the exception of
a priest whom he hangs. Alonso Sanchez's voyage to Spain and Rome as
procurator-general is influential in the suppression of the Audiencia
and the election of Gomez Perez Dasmariñas as governor. Sanchez
"wrote some treatises about the justification of the kings of España,
and their right of title to the Filipinas, which merit that time do
not bury them, although they exist in the archives of the Council
of the Indias. He seems a prophet in many of his statements in those
treatises." [35]

In Chapter II some of the leading events of the term of Gomez Perez
Dasmariñas are noted, and his unfortunate death. Such is his activity
and care "that he alone aggrandized that city more than had all
his predecessors, or his successors to this time." Negotiations
are opened with Japan, and the embassy from Camboja begging for
aid against Siam is received at Manila. "I believe," says Los Rios,
"that if he had done it, it would have been a great stroke of fortune,
and your Majesty would justly be lord of that kingdom and of Sian,
which is very wealthy. That is the only thing in which I believe that
Gomez Perez erred."

The succession of Luis Perez Dasmariñas to the government of the
Philippines, and the designs of the Chinese to capture the islands,
form the subject matter of Chapter III. By virtue of his father's
will and a royal decree empowering the latter to name his successor in
case of absence or death, Luis Perez takes over the command from Pedro
de Rojas, who has been elected by the city, with which "all the city
received great happiness, both because of what they owed the father,
and the love that they bore the son, of whose heroic virtues much
might be said." The Chinese send a vast fleet to Manila in charge of a
number of mandarins, in order to conquer Luzón, because they fear the
Spaniards, and "would much rather see us very far from their kingdom
than to have the gain derived from us ... The governor received the
mandarins and their embassy, who pretended that they came to trade,
and asked us not to receive the Japanese in our ports, who are their
mortal enemies; and taking farewell of them with a good countenance,
he sent them to their own country. The next year one of those mandarins
returned disguised, in order to act the spy, but as I was inspecting
the ships, I noticed and arrested him; but such is the cunning of
those people, that he was able to clear himself, so that it seemed
better to the governor and to Doctor Antonio de Morga, his lieutenant
of justice, to allow the mandarin to return to his own country."

The expedition to Camboja by Gallinato, and events there, and the
arrival of Mendaña's ship at Manila are told in Chapter IV. Blaz
Ruyz, Diego Veloso, and Pantaleon Carnero, having seized the vessel
on which they were being carried as prisoners to Siam from Camboja,
arrive at Manila, and induce the sending of the three vessels under
Gallinato. [36] The latter, however, is blown out of his course as
far as the strait of Sincapura. The other two vessels under Blas Ruyz
and Diego Veloso reach Camboja, but the ship of the latter is wrecked
on the coast. "A relative of the legitimate king was then ruling,
one Nancaparan Prabantul," whom their arrival does not please. The
trouble with the Chinese follows, of the three thousand of whom, the
Spaniards kill five hundred, and the consequent embassy of Blas Ruyz
with forty men to Sistor. The king's refusal to treat with them unless
they make reparation to the Chinese, and his evident preparations
to seize their small body of men, lead to the attack on the palace,
the killing of the king and one of his sons, and the flight to the
Spanish ship, leaving three killed--one Indian, one Japanese, and one
Spaniard--but with many wounded. Gallinato's arrival at this juncture
puts an end to affairs there, and all depart for Cochinchina, where
Blas Ruyz and Diego Veloso go to find the legitimate king of Camboja
at Laos, "crossing those kingdoms for more than two hundred leguas,
through territory where a Spaniard had never been seen ... I have
related this event because of the many fictions that were told
here about Captain Gallinato, who, although a good soldier, did
nothing else in the kingdom of Camboxa. Of it Fray Diego Duarte,
a Dominican, now residing at Alcala de Henares, procurator of his
order in the Filipinas Islands, who was one of those who were present
at the death of the king of Camboxa--and not the least important
one there--and Captain Don Miguel de Xaque de los Rios, now at this
court, are witnesses." The arrival at Manila of "Doña Isabel Varreto,"
wife of "Alvaro de Amendaña," is chronicled. The discovery that they
attempted to make from Peru can be made better from the Philippines,
and at less cost, because of its proximity to those regions.

Chapter V treats of events during the term of Francisco Tello, the main
part of the chapter being devoted to Louis Perez Dasmariñas's ill-fated
expedition to Camboja. Tello "began to govern with forbearance,
although one thing that he did before reaching the city seems to have
presaged the evils of the future." This was in his detention of the
ship bound for Nueva España, until he could reach Manila and make
a report to the king. As a consequence the vessel, sailing late,
experienced so great storms that it was compelled to put in at a
Japanese port, "and King Taycosama took their goods away from them, and
it was the cause of the martyrdom of twenty-six Franciscan religious,
and of the ruin of Manila ... Don Francisco began his government, in
amusing himself with his authority and abundance, and in neglecting to
despatch the ships on time; of which he should have taken warning by
the loss of which he had been the cause, in the wreck of the galleon
'San Felipe' as above stated. But he did not amend his ways, and
for that same reason other vessels were wrecked later--one called
'Santa Margarita,' which was wrecked among the Ladrones Islands;
and another called 'San Geronimo' which was wrecked at the island of
Catanduanes,... and another which sailed from Cibu, called 'Jesus
Maria,' which was seen no more. And the worst of all was that such
neglect became so firmly established, that it would not have been
remedied later, and the same troubles would have occurred, unless we
had made use of two royal decrees that his Majesty, King Don Felipe
Third, conceded to me in the year of 68; [37] and on account of that
neglect great need has come upon that kingdom." The expedition of
Oliver van Noordt is very lightly touched. Luis Perez Dasmariñas fits
out an expedition of three ships for the relief of Camboja at his own
cost, and Los Rios sails in the flagship. Misfortune follows them,
and the flagship is lost on the Chinese coast. Such is the hatred
of the Portuguese at Macao to the Spaniards "that as soon as they
heard of our disaster, they issued an edict that no one should aid
us under penalty of confiscation of his property, and three years in
the galleys." Los Rios with eight men lands in order to seek a pilot,
and after various adventures is granted audience by the Chinese, who
offer asylum to the Spaniards and rebuke the Portuguese. Continuing,
a short description is given of Macao, which has about five hundred
Portuguese inhabitants; its duties and other gains, however, belong to
the Chinese monarch. The principal occupation of the inhabitants is the
raw-silk trade with Japan. For the benefit of trade and religion, Los
Rios thinks it advisable to depopulate Macao and suppress it. Indeed
the hate of the Portuguese goes so far that they attack the remnants
of Luis Perez's expedition as it is about to return home. All their
hostility they clinch with "a royal decree given more than thirty
years ago, in which your Majesty [38] orders Castilians not to go to
that port to trade. It is very important for your Majesty to order the
Portuguese not to use that decree for the evil that they do us--not
only those of us who go there to trade (which was the reason of its
being granted), but also to those of us who make port and arrive
there wrecked."

Events of Pedro Acuña's government occupy the sixth chapter. "Don
Pedro was a restrained and absolutely uncovetous gentleman, and lived
temperately. He was affable and open to all; but signal disasters
occurred during his term. The Indians of Mindanao ruined those islands,
carrying away many captives and quantities of wealth, burning churches,
and injuring images, to the great loss of our prestige. Also more than
twenty thousand Chinese revolted in the city; and because the warnings
of the archbishop and many other persons were not believed, the remedy
was not applied in time, which would have been easy. However, although
we prevailed against them (with evident miracles), the kingdom was
ruined." This neglect of Acuña results in the massacre of Luis Perez
Dasmariñas and more than one hundred and fifty men, only one of the
company escaping. To neglect Los Rios charges "the greatest ills" that
have happened in the Indias. The expedition made to Maluco by royal
command succeeds well. The victory reacts on the Spaniards, however,
because of the ill-treatment inflicted by the latter on the king of
Ternate, whom they take captive to Manila; and the Moluccans ally
themselves with the Dutch. Los Rios begs that good treatment be given
to the captive king, who is still in Manila, who, although well treated
during Acuña's life, is afterward neglected and uncared for. [39] Los
Rios asks that good treatment be accorded to the king "for the sake
of your Majesty's reputation with those nations; for they will think
that you order your ministers to inflict that ill-treatment.... Don
Pedro de Acuña died when he was beginning to open his eyes, and to
govern very acceptably to all. It is rumored that he was poisoned,
although I cannot persuade myself of that fact." As governor _ad
interim_ the viceroy of Nueva España sends Rodrigo de Vivero, who
governs until the arrival of Juan de Silva, when he sets sail in the
ship "San Francisco," but is wrecked at Japan, because it sailed late.]




Chapter VII. Of the government of Don Juan de Silva, and events with
the Dutch.


On the death of Don Pedro de Acuña in the year 606, your Majesty sent
Don Juan de Silva to govern.

Upon his arrival at that kingdom, he was given an opportunity to put
his wishes into effect. A Dutchman arrived there with four ships and
one patache, and, having stationed himself at the entrance of the
bay of Manila, remained there six months, capturing and pillaging
all who came to the city. Don Juan de Silva had no ships ready to
go out to drive the Dutch from that port; but, with the stay of the
enemy, he set to work to repair four ships that were there, and to
finish another that was being built in a shipyard. He made haste,
and used the iron gratings from the houses of the citizens for the
nails that he needed, which the people gave willingly, as well as
whatever else was necessary. Further, he also cast five large pieces
of artillery, with which, and with the artillery in the forts, he made
ready and equipped five ships with high free-board, and three galleys,
and manned them with the most valiant of the soldiers and citizens,
among all of them more than one thousand men being Spaniards alone. He
found the enemy very careless, his ships filled with wealth from
many rich vessels that they had pillaged, belonging to the Chinese
which were coming to Manila, laden with the merchandise that came
yearly. He found only three ships, and attacking and grappling with
one of them, it was blown up because of a fire that unfortunately
caught. The other two surrendered, although the victory was not
bought cheaply, for many people were killed. It had been stated two
months before that that victory would be gained on St. Mark's day,
[40] as happened, and, as he recounted one night, had been told to
him. But who would say that that victory was to begin his perdition,
and so many troubles as I shall relate?

Don Juan de Silva was made very rich by that victory, for the fifth
of the booty which your Majesty conceded to him was worth more than
two hundred thousand pesos, as I learned from his own mouth. Besides
that, the victory induced in him thoughts for great undertakings,
and he did not stop to compare the wealth of that kingdom with his
designs. He discussed building a fleet to go to Terrenate, and put the
matter into execution. Although he was greatly opposed by the entire
city--and especially by the royal Audiencia and royal officials, who
judged from their experience that the plan was not advisable--yet he
acted in defiance of them, and left Manila with his fleet, leaving
the natives grievously burdened with taxes, your Majesty's treasury
indebted to a vast amount, and the city without artillery. He went
to Maluco, and not only did he not accomplish any good result, but
he even returned with little reputation derived from that expedition,
as all had foretold.

He desired to correct that mischief, and determined, without any
one's counsel, to build seven galleons, which, with the three that
he had, would make ten in all, and also six galleys. That was an
undertaking disproportionate to the possibility of his forces, and
innumerable evils resulted from it, just as they generally result to
him who does not proportion means to ends, and who does not measure
desires with strength. When he fought at Playa Honda with the Dutch,
as he grappled he recognized the advantage that the larger ships had
over the others. Consequently, he determined to build his ships so
large that they should be superior to any ship that the enemy would
bring. For that purpose he made them of one thousand, one thousand
five hundred, and nearly two thousand toneladas. He began to make
arrangements for putting his desire into execution, and at the same
time to write to the viceroy of India to send him ten more galleons
and six galleys, so that the forces of both governments being united,
they might at the same time complete the expulsion of the Dutch from
the archipelago and seize their forts and factories. That idea would
have been very commendable, and the most efficacious means of all,
if he could have carried it out as he conceived it. I believe that,
in order to facilitate that, he wrote to your Majesty, whereupon this
court was filled with hopes. But to place it in execution, he had
as much foundation as will be seen here. The forces of India are so
few, that, although Silva was told that the viceroy could not send
him six ships--and those that could go would be poorly equipped;
and that if he did send them, the coasts of India would be left
unprotected, which were daily being infested; and, besides, that they
knew by experience--the little love that the Portuguese bear to the
Castilians and that he should not trust in them--still by sending money
to build galleons and for the men, of which at least one-half million
[pesos] would be necessary, the viceroy would send that fleet. Don
Juan de Silva was without funds; on the contrary, the royal treasury
was deeply in debt from the expedition to Maluco. Still, in order
to forward his designs, he sent his master-of-camp, Christoval de
Azqueta, with pledges and securities made out by the royal officials,
binding your Majesty's royal treasury in order to get the money
there from merchandise, and paying interest on them--a transaction
which was considered ridiculous to those who knew India. He gave the
master-of-camp sixteen thousand pesos which he borrowed in gold from
the inhabitants of Manila, in order that he might bring back some
necessary things. The master-of-camp sailed in a ship accompanied by
forty Spaniards to indicate his authority. As yet, not one of them
has been seen; and it is considered certain that all were drowned,
since no further news has been heard of them. On the other hand, Silva
wrote to the viceroy of Nueva España that he was building that fleet,
and requested money, men, and ammunition from him. He despatched so
late the ships, which had arrived on time, that although the viceroy
made his utmost exertions he could not perform the friendly offices
that Silva desired.

He began to place the said galleons on the stocks, and, as they
were so large, scarcely could he find the necessary timbers in
the forest. Consequently, he had to have them sought under great
difficulties, and by penetrating the thicker recesses of the
woods. There having found them, it was necessary, in order to drag
and carry them to the shipyard, to depopulate the surrounding villages
of the Indians, and to drag the timbers with immense labor, hardship,
and cost to the Indians. The masts of one galleon cost the Indians, as
is affirmed by the religious of St. Francis, and as I heard declared
by the alcalde-mayor of the province where they were cut--namely, La
Laguna de Bay--the labor of six thousand Indians for three months to
drag them over very rough mountains. They were paid by the villages
at the rate of forty reals per month apiece, but were given nothing
to eat, and therefore, the wretched Indian had to look for food. I
shall not relate the cruel and inhuman treatment of the agents, and
the many Indians who died in the forest. Had those galleons been of
moderate size, and twice as many, they would not have cost one-half as
much. Neither shall I tell your Majesty of the Indians who were hanged,
those who deserted their wives and children and fled exhausted to the
mountains, and those sold as slaves to pay the taxes imposed on them;
the scandal to the gospel, and the so irreparable wrongs caused by that
shipbuilding; and with how great inhumanity they passed sentence on and
executed on the poor Indian not only what was necessary, but also what
the lawless greed of agents took from him. In short, the hardships,
injuries, and harm inflicted upon the Indians were vast, and there
was no remedy for it. And hence those ships had so disastrous an end;
for all were wrecked in a storm, and all those in them were drowned
forty leguas from the city--divine permission, which is so offended
at injuries done to the poor, exacting those lives in order to make
reparation for such wrongs. Now more than one million [pesos] is due
to the Indians and there is no hope of recompense. From that may be
inferred how great should be the trustworthiness and Christian spirit
of those persons who are to govern the Filipinas, since they have no
one to restrain them for the injuries that they commit. Besides the
said wrongs, those that I shall now relate were no less.

When he discussed building those ships, three years before that fleet
should be taken out, he ordered all the soldiers of the islands to
be collected, and the forts and important posts to be abandoned,
especially a fort in the city of Cibu. He took all the artillery
and carried it to Manila, which was the cause of the Mindanaos
destroying those islands when they learned that, without any one
opposing them. He also ordered that no one leave the city without his
permission, under serve penalties. On the one hand, he kept the men
there desperate, who could not go out to find food; and on the other,
gave them nothing. Therefore, many men fled through those surrounding
kingdoms. And, when he most needed sailors, more than two hundred of
them fled because of ill treatment and because they were deprived
of one-half their rations. He imposed many taxes upon the Indians,
with great oppression to them on account of the food that was ruined
because it was not needed so early. As a result, he brought the country
to the extreme of poverty, even worse than if the enemy had sacked it.

On the other hand he sent to Japon for metals with which to cast
artillery, and for saltpeter for powder; and they brought him what
he had sent to ask. In two years he cast one hundred and fifty
large pieces of artillery; but he had no master who understood it,
and consequently the pieces were so poorly made that none of them
stood the test. I saw twenty pieces out of thirty-six burst at the
first shot, as the gunner, one Pedro Castaño, who is in this court,
will tell; consequently they did not dare to test the cannon with the
royal test. There was an excellent founder there, named Don Diego de
Prado, who had made considerable artillery in Lisboa. Silva refused to
accept him, but on the contrary let him go to España by way of India,
although he should have diligently looked for him. He is a friar here
now, named Basilio. They were unable to get a piece that could be
used, although they tried in various ways. They continued these efforts
until certain Japanese built some ovens, in their own fashion, and made
some bellows which forced in a great quantity of air. Those produced
better artillery, although some of these pieces also burst, for they
did not hit upon the alloy of copper in accordance with its quality.

Don Juan de Silva persisted in his intentions; and, seeing after two
years had passed that the master-of-camp Azqueta had not arrived,
and that it must be believed that he had been drowned, he sent a
father rector of the Society of Jesus, named Juan de Ribera, [41]
and Captain Don Diego de Miranda, a Portuguese, to Goa, so that,
in his name, they might ask the viceroy for the said galleons; and
they did so. Although with great objection and opposition from the
city of Goa, the viceroy gave them four galleons and four galliots,
with very few and badly disciplined crews. What took place in India
in regard to that matter is a pity. Your Majesty needs to make many
reforms there, because of the danger of losing that country through
the poor discipline of the soldiers, as they themselves confess,
and warning of this has been given in many memorials.

They started for Manila, and arrived at Malaca and at the Strait late
and in bad weather. The commander did not dare pass on, although he
was urged and pressed to do so by the rector of the Society. Matters
came to such a pass that the commander told the father that he would
put him below decks, and the soldiers tried to kill him, for they
said that he was going to drown them. Thereupon they remained, and
returned to Malaca, advising Don Juan de Silva that they were there
awaiting his order.

Don Juan de Silva learned the news of the galleons and determined to
send a patache to Macan, and as its commander, Pilot Juan Gallegos,
in order to purchase some ammunition and to go thence to Malaca. He
ordered the four galleons to await him in the Strait, saying that he
had resolved to pass there, and that all would go together to attack
the factory of Xava, the chief factory of the enemy, which had no
fortress; thence they would go to Banda and to Maluco. That would
have been a very suitable idea if it could have been executed during
the season for navigation. Juan Gallegos went to Macan, and thence
to the Strait of Cincapura, where he found six Dutch galleons and
one patache. They seized him, and learned from him of the coming of
Don Juan de Silva with so large a force. They did not dare await the
latter and so left the Strait. Shortly after Don Juan de Silva arrived,
two ships of Goa came from China with the goods and merchandise from
India, which it was our Lord's will to save in that way.

Before the enemy happened to seize the patache of Juan Gallegos,
they had negotiated with the king of Hachen, a country located in the
island of Samatra, near the Strait, in regard to uniting with them
to attack Malaca with more than four hundred craft, that would hold
more than forty thousand men. That king fought with the galleons, and
his presence there was of great importance. He burned one galleon,
but returned without accomplishing any other exploit, although he
carried a quantity of large artillery. After the king had gone,
the Dutch arrived. What they did was to burn the three remaining
galleons in the river of Malaca. Then they went to the Strait, where
they captured Juan Gallegos, as above stated. The Portuguese gained
little reputation--or to say better, lost much--in not defending
themselves. But since it is not my intention to meddle with another
jurisdiction, I shall not discuss that.

Don Juan de Silva left Manila with ten galleons--larger than have
been seen in Europa--and four galleys, on February 28, 1616. He laid
his course toward the Strait, as he thought that he would find there
the four galleys from Goa, in accordance with the order that he had
sent. He learned what had happened in the Strait; and although he
might have gone to Bantan, in Xava Major, to avenge the injury, since
he might expect to find the enemy there--and he might at least have
destroyed that factory and exacted satisfaction for what had been
done--he did not choose to do so, but left the galleons anchored
in the Strait, while he went to Malaca with the galleys. There he
was received under the pall with great solemnity, honored with great
festivities, and called that city's savior, since the ships had taken
flight because of his coming. Don Juan became sorely perplexed, and
could not come to a decision as to whether to careen his vessels and
wait until the following year for the viceroy of Goa, or whether to
return to Manila. Death overtook him in that perplexity, on April 19
of the same year.

He left orders for the fleet to return to Manila, and to convey thither
his embalmed body. Thereupon our fleet returned. It was in as bad shape
as if it had been a year at sea; for at that part of the Strait where
it was anchored the air was so unhealthful and the water so poisonous
that the soldiers began to sicken immediately, and to die swollen up
and yellow; and some days forty or fifty of them were thrown into the
sea. All asserted that had they remained there one fortnight longer,
not enough men would have been left to manage the sails, nor could
they have brought back the galleons--which returned without anchors,
for the few that they carried were lost in the currents, which are very
strong. And had they not found nineteen anchors, which they bought,
they would have perished.




Chapter VIII. Of the opposition to Don Juan de Silva from all the city,
and the opportunity that he lost by not taking the advice that they
gave him.


Strange are the judgments of the Most High, and nothing happens by
chance that His infinite providence does not register. The Portuguese
regarded as certain the coming of Don Juan de Silva to the Strait with
his fleet, and attributed to him, as was evident, the saving of their
possessions. But he who regards the opportunity that Silva lost, and
how much more important it would have been not to have left Manila,
but to have been there when the enemy (who passed through the Strait
of Magallanes) arrived, will see how unsatisfactory was the Malaca
expedition.

Don Juan de Silva had already prepared his fleet, and his yards
were already squared, when a discussion arose as to whether it was
advisable for him to go in search of the enemy, for which purpose
he had prepared it. A general meeting of ecclesiastical and secular
cabildos, the bishop, and the orders, was called, together with the
royal Audiencia. Silva made them a harangue, and showed a royal decree
that he had received shortly before, in which it was ordered that
he should make the expedition. He read what was most suitable to his
purpose, whereupon Doctor Vega, your auditor, asked him to give it to
the secretary to read publicly, as they wished to know its contents. It
was read, and your Majesty ordered in it that the viceroy of India
be advised, so that both should join forces and go in pursuit of the
enemy with their fleets, and that the viceroy should act as superior
officer if he came in person. From this, they took occasion to oppose
Silva, and said that he was not obeying your Majesty's orders. They
reminded him that he did not have sailors, because while the fewest
number of sailors necessary for ten galleys amounted to fifty, he did
not have twelve effective ones, because they had fled, as above stated.

_Item_: That he was only carrying two iron anchors for each galleon,
disproportionate to their size, besides two others of wood, which
are called _cenepites_; and that he was going into seas with strong
currents and shoals, where he had to anchor every day, with evident
peril and known danger of losing his fleet.

_Item_: That he was not carrying suitable rigging or sails. At the
same time they told him that he was leaving the city depopulated of
the men who might defend it in any sudden need.

_Item_: That he had dismantled the forts and walls of artillery, and
had left no good piece, contrary to the ordinances of your Majesty,
and to all good government.

_Item_: That it was easy for the enemy, knowing the route that he
was taking, to attack the city, which was surrounded by more than
fifteen thousand Chinese, and a considerable number of Japanese,
all of whom were angered by the many annoyances and injuries that
they had received; especially the natives, of whom it could be feared
that they would revolt at any news of an enemy, and what would most
encourage them would be to see the city without defenders or artillery.

_Item_: That he was taking a route very foolishly chosen, because the
season and monsoon (as it is called) for seeking the enemy was already
past; and he was going with a known risk of suffering shipwreck,
or of accomplishing nothing.

_Item_: That it was advisable for him to inform the viceroy of his
expedition, as your Majesty ordered, and in the meanwhile to continue
to provide himself with everything necessary. The following year he
could leave, as was advisable and as your Majesty ordered. In short,
they reminded him of many other difficulties; but none of them were
able to make him postpone his purpose. Doctor Vega gave him a memorial
which is printed, in which he declares all the above and many other
arguments; and the fiscal issued many injunctions and protests against
him. They became so angered that he tried to arrest the fiscal, who
absented himself, together with many influential persons. The city
was very much in danger of being lost, and was divided into factions
and different opinions; although it is true that all desired Silva's
absence. After so many difficulties, and after having defied them all,
Silva left the city with his fleet, leaving the walls dismantled,
as above stated. When he embarked, many men of those that he had
provided from the inhabitants of the city, and single men, were not
to be found, for they had run away.

Scarcely had he left Manila when news came that a Dutchman with five
ships was coming, and within one week he came to anchor at the mouth
of the bay of Manila. It was our Lord's pleasure that the Dutch
did not learn the city's condition, which would have placed us in
the greatest embarrassment and danger. The Dutch remained there one
fortnight, and then, learning that Don Juan had gone toward their
forts and factories, they set out for them. In the opinion of all
it was the greatest misfortune that the news had not arrived sooner,
so that our fleet could have gone to meet it; for not a single ship
would have escaped; and, had he followed them to Maluco, he would have
destroyed their forces without difficulty--as Don Geronimo de Silva,
his cousin, wrote to him, whose letter I have. I heard afterward from
the same man that he had made a treaty with all of them to surrender
their forts to him if Don Juan arrived. God did not so ordain it,
for our sins or for His secret judgments. So great an opportunity,
which might have ended the war, was lost, for all the natives were
resolved to become our friends; for they always cry "long live the
conqueror!" Sections 1, 9, and 15 of Don Geronimo's letter are of
the following tenor.



Letter of Don Geronimo de Silva, Governor of Maluco

I am replying to the duplicate of your Lordship, which I received by
the hand of Captain Juan Cutirez Paramo and Sargento-mayor Don Pedro
Tellez, dated at the Strait of Sincapura, March 15, in which your
Lordship gives me advice of the resolution that you took in Manila
to make your voyage to Malaca, expecting to find there the viceroy of
India, or at least the squadron of galleons from that state--a thing as
generally desired by all as it is deemed difficult by me. For I could
never persuade myself that the viceroy of India would decide to send
a larger fleet this year than the four galleons; and, supposing this,
I would have been glad had your Lordship not gone in search of the
viceroy this year. For, as I understand the decree of his Majesty,
the preparations were for the coming year; and by that time matters
would have been suitably arranged, and, both powers having united,
his Majesty's will would have been realized, without the possibility
of any fears of danger. But if the resolution taken by your Lordship
to go out with your fleet, because of the great expenses incurred,
had been taken then to come to employ that fleet here, it would have
arrived at so good a season and opportunity, that all these islands
would have surrendered to you. I could answer with my head that his
Majesty would possess them without your Lordship's needing to fire a
single shot, for the material for this truth was very well arranged. I
alone was unfortunate in that your Lordship did not come directly here
when you left Manila. I would give you as a witness of that the king of
Tidore, only he cannot declare it in writing; but he will be a witness
on that day that our Lord brings your Lordship to these islands.

Your Lordship orders me at present to despatch to you what galleys are
here. In fulfilment of that order Don Pedro Tellez is returning in the
galley that brought him, for Captain Juan de Guassa's galley was such
that it could not be repaired at all, although I summoned the royal
officials, and persons who understood it, to examine it. To my summons
they replied that it absolutely had nothing of use on it but the nails;
accordingly, with their advice, it was beached. I have only the galliot
left here and that is as free from iron and rigging as the galleys
here have always been. The galliot is the feet and hands of these
islands, and that which serves as a caracoa; for, glory be to God,
the Meldicas [_sic; sc._ mestizos] and native Christians are wanting
to me. The reason that moves me to this will be told your Lordship by
Don Pedro Tellez, whom I wished to make a witness of this unfortunate
state of affairs, and of what the service of his Majesty suffers.

Will your Lordship advise me of your resolution to come to these forts,
and whether the viceroy of India is coming now with the squadron that
your Lordship has built. What I can say is that your Lordship's speedy
arrival here matters so much, although it be with only your galleys,
that on that alone depends the restoration of these two islands,
which will be maintained with the hope that your Lordship will come
hither in the time above stated. If you do not come, the islands and
the Spaniards who inhabit them will certainly perish; for although the
king of Tidore is our friend, he is the only one, and he does not have
the same assurance of his island as hitherto. For that reason, it is
advisable for me always to keep in this island the greater part of the
infantry of this camp, divided among the fort of Santiago, the fort
of Principe Tomanira, and Socanora. From the above your Lordship will
infer that I have need of protecting myself not only from the Dutch
but also from the natives and our intimates; for things are very much
changed from what your Lordship is informed. Tidore, July 29, 1616.


_Don Geronimo de Silva_





Chapter IX. Of the coming of the Dutch to Manila in search of Don
Juan de Silva.


It was learned in Maluco from the Dutch commander who passed through
the Strait of Magallanes and infested the coasts of Piru and Nueva
España--the same one who arrived at Manila just after the departure
of Don Juan de Silva--that Don Juan had laid his course toward Malaca
and thence to Maluco. Immediately all their ships were collected,
and, repairing many, they equipped the ten best ones, taking the
best artillery and men from their forts for that purpose, with the
determination of awaiting Silva. But when they saw that he delayed so
long, and that he could not come to Maluco now, because of bad weather,
thinking that he would have returned, they went to try issues with
him at Manila. On reaching the island of Mindanao, they learned of
his death from the Indians. They made a compact with the latter that
each side should go to destroy the islands, even as far as the city of
Manila. The Mindanaos set out with a fleet that they had prepared, of
seventy caracoas, which resemble galliots. They anchored with them in
the province of Camarines, where they had heard that one ship and two
pataches were being built for your Majesty. They killed and captured
about thirty Spaniards and many Indians, set fire to the ships, and
pillaged whatever they could lay hands on. That disaster, which was
very great, was the result of neglecting to send there fifty picked
soldiers to guard the shipyard. The chiefs of those caracoas divided
into two parties because of disputes between them. One party went
toward Manila in search of the Dutch. The other went to the island of
Panay. Captain Don Diego de Quiñones, who was stationed in that island
as commandant and captain of the Pintados Islands, hearing of this,
sent Captain Lazaro de Torres with seven caracoas in pursuit of them;
he defeated them, and captured four caracoas. The rest took to the
open sea in flight, and, those vessels being small, all of the men
were drowned; for no news that they have reached their country has
been heard here since.

That island of Mindanao is the farthest of the Filipinas Islands,
and is about twenty leguas from Cibu. That part that faces Cibu
is pacified, and the Indians pay tribute, and there are a number
of Christians. The entire island formerly rendered homage to your
Majesty. It extends east and west, being somewhat inclined to
the northeast and southwest. It is more than three hundred leguas
in circumference. The southern part lies in six degrees of north
latitude. It has many gold mines, as those say who have seen them,
although they are but little worked, and many cinnamon trees and
much civet.

Captain Estevan Rodriquez de Figueroa went to pacify it in 1596 at his
own cost, with the title of governor and captain-general of the island
conceded by your Majesty. But he was so unfortunate that, the first
time when he set foot on land, he was killed by an Indian concealed in
ambush. Captain Juan de la Xara, who was master-of-camp, continued the
enterprise; but as he, like his master, died, the whole enterprise
was destroyed by accidents that came upon them. Consequently, not
only were the natives not pacified, but more angered and desirous of
vengeance. For that reason, they began to build vessels and to make
inroads among those islands during the term of Don Francisco Tello,
to commit depredations. They captured many Indians and their wealth
(for the latter had considerable gold) through the fault of the
captains and alcaldes-mayor who were governing those islands, and
were not punished for it. And although punishment is one of the two
arms of justice that preserves states, there has been so great lack
of it in Manila, that signal injuries have thereby resulted.

The Moros became excited by those captures, and through the exercise
of war they became more skilful and daring. To such a height has
their boldness reached, through the carelessness and neglect of the
governors, that all those islands have been destroyed and ruined. They
could very well have been restrained, but the reasons why they
neglected to do that cannot be explained here, because the case in
hand demands that many things be passed by; but if your Majesty cares
to know, I will explain them.

Those Indians [_i.e._, the Moros] are so vile and cowardly that they
have never engaged in close combat with the Spaniards, very few
of whom have dared to resist vast multitudes; yet the Moros have
inflicted signal injuries. The worst is that these last few years
they have committed greater ones, so that there is no Christian or
friendly Indian who is safe in his house or country. These, although
Indians, set forth arguments that must have shamed your Majesty's
governors considerably; since, although the latter are so careful
not only to collect their tributes, but to impose continually so
many taxes, and to cause the Indians innumerable troubles, yet they
do not defend them from their enemies. Consequently the Indians say,
"Let us be free, and let us have arms, and we shall be able to defend
ourselves, as we did before the advent of the Spaniards." And, surely,
did not the religious--especially those of the Society, who instruct
nearly all those islands--entertain them with hopes and fair arguments,
they would all have revolted, as some have done. I have related this to
your Majesty so that you may order your governor to remedy that matter,
which is so incumbent upon your Majesty's royal conscience. But how
poorly he informs your Majesty; since at the very moment when those
people were destroying your churches, the governor wrote that they
were all peaceful and quiet. It is very easy to conquer that island, if
its inhabitants are made slaves, as I have said in special memorials.



Chapter X. Of the result obtained by the coming of the Dutch to the
Filpinas Islands and the city of Manila.


The enemy learned from the Mindanao Indians, as above stated, of the
death of Don Juan de Silva, whom they had intended to go to seek. They
went to the island of Panay, to a port called Yloylo, with the design
of building a fort there, in order to gain possession of those islands
and to get the quantity of food that was stored for the relief of
Terrenate. (whence the forts of Maluco are chiefly maintained), and
at the same time to make themselves masters of the island. For, two
years before, and during Don Juan de Silva's term, another Dutchman
had arrived at that island at a Spanish town called Arevalo, burned
it, seized its provisions, made quantities of dried beef at stock
farms near there, and then returned, without any one having dared
to fire a shot, although there was a captain there with two hundred
soldiers. Then he made a pact with the natives of the country, by
which they were to render him homage.

Three or four days before the arrival of the enemy, the news reached
the ears of Captain Don Diego de Quiñones, who was there with about
seventy soldiers. He resolved to die there or to prevent the enemy
from following out his designs. As hastily as possible, he threw up
a redoubt, or small fort of fascines, stakes, and gabions, which he
filled in with earth. Then having assigned his men to their positions,
he awaited the enemy's arrival. The Dutch arrived with their ten
galleons and went to anchor within musket-shot of the small fort,
which they began to bombard with their artillery, and with musketry
to pick off those who showed themselves. But seeing that they were
defending themselves, and that so great a multitude of balls could
not dislodge them, they threw seven companies of infantry ashore,
and assaulted the fort twice with the batteries which were free;
but the infantry, getting the worst of it, had to retire. Don Diego,
although shot through the thigh by a musket-ball, was encouraged;
and had sent Captain Lazaro de Torres outside with forty soldiers to
make an ambush. He pressed so heavily against the enemy that they had
to embark hurriedly, leaving on the field and taking away many dead
and badly wounded, while we suffered in dead and wounded twenty or
a few more. Thereupon the enemy weighed anchor and left the port in
great ignominy and sorrow. That feat of arms was of great importance
as can be understood from the condition of the country and of the
natives of that island and others near by. I cannot keep silent on
one thing that happened through the fault of him who was governing,
since my intention is to make your Majesty understand the state of
that kingdom. The building of a fort in that port of Yloylo, and the
sending there of six pieces of artillery and one engineer to Don Diego,
had been discussed in Manila. But there was the utmost remissness
and neglect in sending those pieces, for it was considered certain
that if the enemy came he would manage to make himself master of the
port. And although they could have been sent him one month before,
they reached him one week after the opportunity was gone--when, if Don
Diego had had them, he would have sunk half the enemy's fleet. Such
injury is done by the remissness and neglect of him who governs.

The enemy thought that they would make little from Don Diego, and
consequently left that place, and went to anchor in the mouth of the
bay of Manila. They reached an island which is situated in the middle
of the entrance, called Marivelez, where a sentinel is always posted
to give notice of the ships that come to the city. He made signals,
and hence, as we had advices, their arrival was known. They anchored
their vessels at both entrances, so that no ship could enter or leave
without being seen. They captured a few provision-boats, and on some
days they entered the bay with two or three ships to reconnoiter
the port of Cabite, with the desire of having an extended view, and
then returned. They had some communication with the Japanese, who,
as arrogant and barbarous people, despised our fleet. Those people
informed the Dutch that they had nothing to fear, for we were unable
to prepare our fleet because of the lack of many things, so that they
could be quite easy. Consequently they proceeded as would those who
feared nothing.

Licentiate Andres de Alcaraz was then senior auditor, and was
exercising the duties of captain-general. At several councils of war,
it was discussed whether it would be proper to prepare the fleet
that was in port, in order to drive the enemy away. Most were of
the opinion that the fleet should go out, founding their opinion on
the ignominy and taunts that the enemy flung upon the Spaniards, the
reputation that we would lose among so many nations who were watching
us, the need of provisions that the enemy were making them endure,
and the design of the latter to await the ships from China in order to
enrich themselves from the merchandise that the Chinese were bringing
to Manila. Those vessels were to come by April, and, besides the
general danger of depriving the community of the necessities brought
to it by the Chinese, many of the inhabitants were interested in the
said ships. Although this last could be obviated by sending advices
to China, the captain-general refused to do it, although he should
have done so, because of the harm that might ensue to your Majesty's
service, the common welfare, and the great harm that would result to
the enemies. [42] For opportunity was given to the enemy to enrich
themselves exceedingly with the spoils [of the Chinese], at the expense
of the community; then, too, the Chinese were losing so much there by
favor of their friends, since they would be ruined. The cause of that
error was that, in that former year when the other Dutchman came with
five vessels thinking to stay there until he pillaged the Chinese (for
he bore instructions to that effect), advice was given the Chinese so
that they should not come. They obeyed the advice and did not come,
and as the enemy went away, the inhabitants conceived that they had
signally erred, ruined the city, and deprived the royal treasury of
the great sum that the duties on the merchandise brought by the Chinese
would be worth. For that reason Alcaraz neglected to do that, although
it was so desirable, whence so great injuries have resulted. When he
who is governing heeds the murmurs that may be raised against him,
and consequently neglects to take the measures that are advisable
and to which he is obliged, such troubles generally follow.

Returning to the case [under consideration], almost all the city urged
the preparation of the fleet, and it even came to such a pass that
injunctions and protests were served on him by means of the entire
ecclesiastical estate. Innumerable difficulties were represented
to Licentiate Alcaraz: one that there were many repairs to make in
the fleet, which had come in quite bad shape; that it even lacked
considerable of its sails and rigging, and what was left was rotten;
that, as no ship had come from Nueva España that year, the royal
treasury was considerably in debt, and had no money with which to
prepare the fleet; that for the same reason the citizens could not
possibly loan what was needed; that most of the artillery was under
suspicion, and it was necessary to recast it; and, above all, that if
it did not succeed well the entire kingdom was about to be endangered.

While affairs were in that perplexity and confusion, the vessels that
had gone out laden with the goods of the kingdom returned to port;
for, as they had sailed late, they could not make the voyage. That
is a matter that is never remedied, although by its neglect the
people are so heavily punished. They had some artillery, more than
one hundred and fifty sailors, and many passengers. That was very
important, and it was a fine piece of luck that the enemy did not
know it, for it would have been easy to capture them; for one of
those vessels had discharged its cargo about twenty leguas from the
enemy and transfered its goods overland to the city. The other went
to a port at a distance from there, at an island called Cibuian.

At this same time, the Mindanaos who had remained with the other
squadron of caracoas came to the coast of Manila, to a village called
Balayan. The Mindanaos landed, and the inhabitants fled. They set fire
to the village and to more than one thousand quintals of your Majesty's
rigging, through the fault and neglect of him who was governing. For
although the master-of camp, Don Juan Ronquillo, had advised them--on
account of the news that had come that the Mindanaos had burned the
shipyard, and were pillaging--that fifty soldiers be sent to Balayan
for its defense, and because the alcalde-mayor had sent to request it,
they did not do so, but postponed it from day to day; and consequently
the enemy was able to destroy that place. But as the inhabitants
were warned, as soon as they saw the Mindanaos coming, they had a
chance to get into the place of safety that was being prepared for
them. Our Lord ordained that, although they set fire to the rigging,
little of it was burned; for God kept it for the preparation of the
fleet, without which that would have been impossible.

At the news of the coming of the Mindanaos, two galleys were sent
under one commander, in order to prevent the junction of the Moros
with the Dutch, and to try to scatter them. Although the Mindanaos
had thirty-five caracoas, that would have been done without any
danger, as caracoas are vessels which can be sunk with only the
oar of a galley. He went out to look for the Mindanaos; and as he
left by night, because of the proximity of the Dutch, he was not
perceived, and found the Mindanaos in the best position that could be
desired. The Mindanaos were intent on, and desirous of, gaining honor,
for they were stationed with all their fleet within a river called
Baco in the island of Mindoro. The galleys having been stationed at
the mouth of the river, it was impossible for even a single caracoa
to escape. Consequently when the enemy learned that the galleys were
there, they were disturbed, and let go their prize, and begged the
captives to intercede for them. They were determined, on seeing the
galleys, to desert their caracoas, and to go inland into the forests,
where not one would have escaped. But the courage to undertake the
most glorious enterprise (and one of importance for all the kingdom)
that could be offered was lacking; and, turning about, the galleys
went to another island, under pretense that there was a heavy wind,
and that they did not dare enter until it ceased, in order not to run
the risk of losing a galley. However that withdrawal was not without
profit, for they met one of the ships that had sailed for Nueva España
from Manila, which was coming back to port; and had the latter not been
warned it would have fallen into the hands of the Dutch, being ignorant
that they were at the mouth of the bay. Thereupon, although the wind
ceased at midnight, the galleys did not return until the afternoon of
next day, and were told that, just as soon as the enemy heard that they
were gone, they had very joyfully taken flight toward their country,
and with so great fear, that they did not even wait for one another.

One would believe that our Lord was doing everything necessary for
the preparation of the fleet in order to encourage them; for at the
same time came news that the two ships despatched that year from Nueva
España with the goods of the city and the reënforcements sent by the
viceroy both in money and in men for Maluco, had been forced to put
in at Japon in July because of the vendavals; and that the almiranta
had been wrecked, although the goods and men had been saved. Having
awaited favorable weather there, the commander (one Don Francisco de
Serna) had come, and had arrived on the coast of Pangasinan, twenty
leguas from where the Dutch were stationed. Being warned of the
Dutch, the commander put into a port there, and with the help of the
alcalde-mayor of that province they discharged the ship, removed the
artillery, and fortified themselves with two hundred soldiers of the
vessel, so that they could defend themselves if the Dutch heard of
them. As quickly as possible they carried the silver and everything
else to the city. The enemy were advised of it, but at a time when
everything was safe except the ship, which our men had to set afire,
so that the enemy could not take it.

God was encouraging them in this way, and ordaining what was
to be done; they appointed Master-of-camp Don Juan Ronquillo as
commander, and he went immediately to the port to make effective
the equipment of six galleons, for the others could not be made
ready. Trustworthy persons were despatched in order that they might
send what was necessary from the islands. In another direction,
tests of the artillery were begun, and what burst was recast; and
it all proved satisfactory, so that no piece turned out badly. All
were encouraged--he who had means, to give what was needed, and all
to go out to fight the enemy. The enemy, seeing that the season for
the coming of the Chinese merchants had arrived, left the mouth of
the bay, and went twenty leguas away to a port called Playa Honda,
where all the Chinese ships come to make land, and where the other
Dutchman who surrendered to Juan de Silva was pillaging in the year
1610. Thereupon, since the entrance of the bay was unoccupied, they
sent for the almiranta, which had put in and had been unladed. It was
brought to port, laden with the food that had been collected there for
the purpose of being brought by the said ship if the enemy gave any
opportunity for it, as they did. Everything resulted as we desired. The
ship carried thirty pieces of artillery, with which they managed to
equip it, for it did not have to be repaired. Seven galleons were made
ready for sailing, and even the one that carried the least artillery
numbered thirty large bronze pieces. Then captains and commanders were
appointed for the galleons, and each of the commanders was given the
duty of directing and conveying the soldiers and inhabitants who were
inclined to go with him; whereat each one labored to caress and attract
not only his friends, but others also. The commanders were as follows:
of the galleon "San Juan Bautista," Admiral Pedro de Heredia; of the
galleon "San Miguel," Admiral Rodrigo de Vilastigui; of "San Felipe,"
Captain Sebastian de Madrid; of "Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe," Captain
Juan Bautista de Molina; of "San Lorenço," Captain Azevedo; and command
of the galleon "San Marcos"--which was called the almiranta, as it
had been with Don Juan de Silva in the expedition which he made to
Malaca--was given to Don Juan de la Vega, son of Doctor Vega, auditor
of the royal Audiencia. There were many disputes over his appointment
as admiral, for many of the commanders to whom it was due claimed it,
especially Don Diego Quiñones, who had been brought from Oton for that
purpose, although he had not recovered from his musket-wound; also
Hernando Muñoz de Aramburo (who had come as admiral of the caravels),
and Francisco de la Serna--who had gone as commander of the ships,
and at the restoration of the country was a very great soldier, who,
with twenty gentlemen, served in that expedition at his own cost. Also
for certain reasons, which I can not well recount, those captains
were at odds, a mistake that caused much regret later, when there
was no remedy. It is certain that no one would have escaped who would
carry news of the enemy. Yet, so that it might not appear that they
were shunning the opportunity, they offered their persons. Aramburu
went as associate of the commander, being skilful in war. Don Diego
was given a galley and the title of _quatralvo_. [43] Don Alonso
Enriquez took another galley, with the title of commander [_general_];
Don Pedro de Almazan, another. The galleon "Salvador" was flagship,
the best and largest galleon ever seen in the sea. It carried fifty
large pieces of artillery, many of them of twenty-five and thirty
libras' caliber, but most of them of eighteen. The fleet left port
on the eighth of April, in pursuit of the enemy. That afternoon,
which was Saturday, it anchored at the mouth of the bay in order
to ascertain the location of the enemy. They had heard already that
the enemy had plundered many Chinese and had filled their ships with
great riches. It was ascertained from a spy, who was the one who sent
advices of what the enemy was doing, that two ships were six leguas
from there, and the rest at Playa Honda. That report was false, and
was the reason why the most fortunate victory that could be desired
was not obtained without bloodshed, and without any one escaping, as
will be seen in this relation. On receiving this news the commander
began to trim his sails, in order to reach the two ships by dawn. But
finding nothing, he passed on to Playa Honda, where he arrived late,
more than two hours after the sun had risen. Had the spy not deceived
them, they would have reached the four of the enemy's ships at dawn,
and the commander with most of his men could have slept on shore,
entertaining guests with the booty that had fallen into his hands. But
when they sighted our fleet, they were able to get aboard their vessels
and to join the other two, which were coming with two more very rich
Chinese prize ships. They spread their sails and went away together,
and the fleets did no more that day than to watch one another,
but our fleet always kept very close to, and did not lose sight of,
the enemy. Next morning, Friday, our fleet came up scattered, either
because of their inability to follow the flagship, or through the
fault of the pilots. What is the most certain thing is that faults
are not investigated in the islands, nor are they punished. Because
there was no almiranta to collect the vessels, the flagship, the
"San Miguel," and the "San Juan Bautista" were very near the enemy,
while the others were more than three leguas to leeward. The
enemy tried to improve the opportunity, and determined to grapple
our flagship with all their fleet, which they had carefully
collected--thinking that if it surrendered the war would be ended;
for they thought that ship alone carried force, and that the others
could only be carrying the pretense of it. The enemy worked to get
to windward of our fleet, and our flagship, which was an excellent
sailer, did the same; but on tacking, the latter threw a rope to the
galley of Don Alonso Enriquez and towed it a short distance. That
allowed the enemy time to get to windward, and they came down upon
our fleet to attack it in the following order: their flagship came
first and then the other vessels, the bow of one right against the
stern of the other. Although they could have raked the "San Juan
Bautista," which was astern of the flagship, or have borne down upon
the "San Miguel," which lay to leeward, they cared only to defeat the
flagship. Since our ships could not get to windward, they passed it
very closely, each ship raking it. But our flagship was not asleep,
and kept replying in such a way that, although the enemy's vessels
came so close together, so great haste was made that it gave each
ship a full broadside volley from that side, namely with twenty-five
pieces. With that they were so crippled that they did not dare return
the fire, and so gained nothing. That night the enemy held a council
of war, as some prisoners reported. All advised flight, as they had
been surprised by our flagship. But their commander assured them
that there was nothing to fear, and that the flagship had all the
force, and he dared to defeat it. Don Juan Ronquillo collected his
fleet that night and sent an order by the galley of Don Diego de
Quiñones for each vessel to grapple with the one that fell to its
lot, and for the "San Lorenço" to act as a reserve in order to help
the most needy. Next morning, Saturday, April 15, our fleet bore
down upon the enemy and succeeded in getting to windward of it. Don
Diego de Quiñones went with his galley to tell the commander that he
was waiting to attack the enemy. The commander gave the same order,
and also to leave the enemy's flagship for him. Invoking our Lady of
the most pure Conception, whom they had taken as patroness of that
undertaking on their departure, they attacked the enemy. The Dutch
were confident, when they were aware of the dash of the Spaniards,
that our men would board their ships when they grappled. Accordingly
they prepared for it by so many stratagems that all who boarded would
be killed; but Don Juan Ronquillo, taking precautions against that,
issued an order for no one to board until the galleon with which he
was fighting had surrendered. That order was obeyed; and our flagship
grappled its adversary, and although almost all the latter's crew
were killed it refused to surrender. Finally it was reduced to such
a condition that it began to roll violently, a sign that it was
sinking, whereupon our flagship drew apart from it, and it went to
the bottom. The commander and several who were left alive got into
their small boat and escaped. It was said that the ship contained
great wealth that had been pillaged along the coast of India, and the
best that they had pillaged from the Chinese. That galleon was called
"Sol Nuevo de Olanda" [_i.e._, "New Sun of Holland"], and it set very
wretchedly for them that day. Captain Juan Bautista de Molina was
the first to grapple another galleon, and the galley of Don Diego
went to his aid. It had already surrendered, and the Dutch had been
made prisoners, when another galleon, all on fire, bore down upon two
galleons with which Rodrigo de Guillastegui had fought. It set fire to
one of them, and it bore down ablaze upon the one defeated by Captain
Molina, so that he was forced to ungrapple. Those two burning vessels
bore down upon that of the Dutch admiral, with whom Pedro de Heredia
had grappled, and whom he had already defeated and most of whose crew
he had killed. When he saw the two burning galleons bearing down
upon them, they threw off the grapples and separated. Consequently
the admiral had opportunity to escape, but in so bad a condition that
his vessel sank next day, according to the report of some Indians and
Chinese who saw it. Captain Sebastian de Madrid, on going to grapple
with another galleon, was killed by a musket-ball; and when his
vessel was about to grapple, Don Juan de la Vega, with the galleon
"San Marcos," came between. Those aboard the "San Felipe" thought
that he would grapple, but he made for the open sea, whereupon they on
seeing it went after him. Captain Azevedo grappled the other galleon,
and after fighting gallantly, the grapples were thrown off, whereupon
both Dutch galleons took the opportunity to escape. That battle was
the most bloody ever seen, for all had come with the determination to
die rather than surrender, and they did so. "San Felipe," "San Juan
Bautista," and "San Marcos" went in pursuit of the three galleons of
the enemy; but since flight has so many advantages to the one escaping,
the enemy threw overboard all their cargo into that sea, and, their
sails being wet, the sea became narrow for them, notwithstanding it
was so wide; and when dark night came, they changed their route and
our ships lost sight of them. Thereupon the "San Juan Bautista," the
"San Felipe," and the "San Marcos" changed their course, and returned
two days later for the evil result that disturbed that victory.

The commander determined to return to Manila, for their drinking-water
was gone, and the galleon "San Miguel" was leaking badly, and they were
unable to overcome the leak at the pumps, while the galleon of Pedro de
Heredia arrived at the mouth of the bay in very bad condition. Next day
two other galleons belonging to the enemy, which had not been present
during the battle, reached the place where it had been fought. They had
a Japanese prize-ship, laden with flour. Ignorant of the past event,
they spied the "San Marcos" coming. One of them went to reconnoiter
the latter, and upon seeing that it was our vessel went to advise its
companion. Both bore down upon our vessel, whereupon it turned its
course to the shore. For reasons known to its commander--and I think
because he was mainly influenced by cowardly advisers--the ship was
run aground and burned, so near the enemy that the latter flung at
them innumerable insults. The largest galleon of the fleet, next to
the flagship, was lost. It had thirty-six large pieces of artillery,
most of which have been taken out of it. The commander was arrested,
as well as his associates Captains Pedro de Ermura and Salvador de
Oñate. The most notable thing is that that galleon was lost on the
very day of St. Mark, by whose intercession Don Juan de Silva had
obtained the last victory.

Don Juan Ronquillo heard of the disaster of Don Juan de la Vega, and
set out in pursuit of the enemy. He was unable, however, to overtake
them, for a Dutch lad aboard the "San Marcos" escaped by swimming and
went to the enemy, to whom he related what was happening. Thereupon
the Dutch returned to Japon, laden with spoils.

Some have doubted whether the enemy had ten galleons, since only
six fought, besides the two above mentioned, [and ask] what became
of them. I answer that doubt by saying that one fled on the day of
battle, and refused to fight, for which reason its captain was hanged
at Maluco. The Dutch commander sent the other vessel back with the
wounded and some sick men, as soon as the engagement with Don Diego de
Quiñones had happened, chiefly because that galleon was leaking badly.

Captain Molina carried a carved image of our Lady in the galleon
"Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe." It was kept in a little wooden
tabernacle. An eighteen-libra ball entered one of the ports, struck the
tabernacle of the image, and knocked it into a thousand splinters. I
saw the latter and the ball with my own eyes. But the image remained
on its base, and not a hair of it was touched, which was obviously
a miracle.

Pedro de Heredia was carrying another picture of our Lady, painted
on a board beside a crucifix, on the galleon "San Bautista." Another
ball of twelve libras entered and struck it on the breast, without
doing it other harm than that the gold with which the drapery had
been made stuck to the ball, which fell there at her feet, while the
board was unbroken. I certify to that, for I saw it.

An artilleryman went below decks to apply fire to a piece with which
he had fired several shots. He applied the fire to it three times,
although on similar occasions it was wont to catch without that, but
it would not go off. The artilleryman was surprised and approaching to
ascertain what was the matter found the piece open. Had it taken fire,
it would have caused a very great disaster, and perhaps have burned
the ship. Whence one could clearly see that the Virgin, our Lady,
was not slothful on that occasion. Neither was the city of Manila
slothful, for they carried our Lady of Guidance, which is outside
the walls, in solemn procession to the cathedral, whose advocacy is
of the immaculate conception; and all the people confessed and took
communion. Having exposed the most holy sacrament, all accompanied it
during all those days, making many prayers to God and to His blessed
mother, which were also answered. May He be blessed forever. Amen.





Part Second, Which Treats of the Importance of the Filipinas and of
the Means for Preserving Them



Chapter I. Of the importance to your Majesty of preserving that
country.


For many reasons, which those who do not possess thorough information
in regard to the Filipinas ignore, but which show how important
to your Majesty is the preservation and increase of those islands,
I shall insert them here as clearly as possible.

The first is the increase and extension of the holy gospel and the
glory and honor of God, which is so incumbent upon your Majesty--in
the first place, because your Majesty has inherited from your blessed
father and glorious ancestors this pious and holy zeal for spreading
and extending the holy Catholic faith, by reason of which your Majesty
enjoys the wealth of the Indias; in the second place, because it
is so suitable to the greatness of your Majesty's sovereignty and
your reputation. For to leave this work when begun would be a great
scandal before the world, and the occasion of much complaint to all
its nations--and especially to the heretics, who would say that your
Majesty was influenced not by the glory of God, nor the preservation
of the Indias, but by private interest, since where you had not that
you allowed Christianity to perish.

The second concerns the peace of your royal conscience, if you should
not preserve those islands while possible.

The third is for causes of state; for it would amount to giving your
enemies arms and forces against your Majesty, and encourage others
to the same enmity who are envious of your Majesty's greatness. It
may well be inferred that since the enemy are attempting this with
so great expense and labors, they have understood its importance to
themselves. The possibility of this can be easily understood, for they
could not persevere so long with their own forces only, if they were
not privily incited by the secret enemies of your Majesty, and those
who are envious and fearful of your greatness--who clearly recognize
that, if they could possess that archipelago without opposition,
it would be worth more to them than eight millions clear (as I will
demonstrate to whomsoever may be curious or may desire to know it),
through the profit which they can make in spices, drugs, and the
trade with Great China, Japon, and the neighboring countries.

The fourth is, because straightway the whole of Portuguese India
would be infallibly lost; and, if it is not lost, it is because we
so harass the enemy from Filipinas that they need all their forces
in order not to lose what they hold.

The fifth is the knowledge (as is evident) of the immense wealth which
lies in the Filipinas, as I shall explain further in this treatise,
and which hitherto has been unrecognized.

The sixth would be the loss of the most convenient and important
post which your Majesty holds in all his kingdoms, not only for the
extension of the holy gospel in so many kingdoms of idol-worshipers who
are capable of receiving it, but, as these are in the neighborhood of
the Filipinas, the hope, consequently, of enjoying the immense wealth
which they possess through their trade and commerce--not to mention
the risk which is incurred by the Western Indias through the South Sea.




Chapter II. Wherein those are answered who believe that the Filipinas
should be abandoned, or traded to the crown of Portugal for Brazil.


The lack of knowledge regarding the Filipinas and the gains which may
be obtained with them has been the cause for many of the servants of
your Majesty, and other prominent persons, having a poor opinion of
them. Accordingly it has seemed to such persons more expedient to be
rid of those islands, and to others that they should be exchanged
with the crown of Portugal for Brazil. All the reasons which they
give for this may be reduced to five: The first is that there is
a drain upon your Majesty's royal patrimony for their maintenance,
and you derive no profit. The second is to avoid the flow, through
that method of maintaining them, of silver from Nueva España to Great
China, by cutting off commerce with the latter country. The third
is on account of the troops that are there consumed. The fourth is
that since your Majesty is in such straits it is expedient to attend
first to the relief most necessary, which is that of affairs here;
and since you cannot attend to all, it is compulsory to abandon that
country. Finally, your Majesty's dominions are widely separated,
and cannot be preserved except by withdrawing from those which
are least necessary, for power united is the stronger. Or it is
argued that, even though it be expedient to maintain the Filipinas,
the commerce should be changed from Nueva España to these kingdoms,
and ships should be sent from the city of Sevilla to the Filipinas,
as is done from Portugal to eastern India; and that for this trade
the ships should be laden with merchandise from this country [_i.e._,
España], and in exchange for that should bring back the wealth of
Great China and those regions.

In answer to the first, your Majesty expends much in the preservation
of that country, it is true; but the objectors do not consider
that those expenditures which are made are not for the purpose of
preserving the Filipinas--at least since Don Pedro de Acuña, your
governor, won the islands of Maluco, where cloves are obtained; for
since that time the expense has been to maintain the war against the
Dutch, who have been fortifying and making themselves masters there,
and because we did not understand here, in the beginning and later,
how important it would be to spend what was necessary to drive them
out once for all, and to secure those regions. This has been the
cause of spending so much in reënforcements, which have not served,
and do not serve, more than to keep the forts which your Majesty
holds in the islands of Terrenate and Tidore, and the friendship
of the king of Tidore; and this is the cause of the expenses which
your Majesty makes in the Filipinas, while the Dutch are taking away
almost all the profits--although it is true that, if your Majesty had
had ministers there zealous in your service, you might have obtained
profit enough to maintain those forts without drawing upon your royal
exchequer. The same thing could be done at any time when you wish, but
the means for this are not at hand, and accordingly I defer them. If
your Majesty should wish to know them, I will inform you of them. From
this it may be concluded that the Filipinas are not the cause of
these expenditures; and those which were made there before that time
(as will be explained later, by themselves) exceeded the support with
which your Majesty maintained the islands. This was done by the kings,
your Majesty's father and grandfather, for two reasons: in the first
place, by their aiming at the glory of God and the spread of His
holy gospel, since they enjoyed the title of patrons of the church,
upon whom it would seem this obligation rests; in the second place,
on account of the favorable situation of that post for obtaining from
it more wealth than from all the rest of the Indias--and if this has
not hitherto been enjoyed the blame is not upon the country, but, for
reasons which cannot be here set down, upon those who have governed it.

To the second reason--that, as they say, much silver passes to the
Filipinas and does not come to España--it may be answered that the
fact is that, to obviate this difficulty, your Majesty has ordered that
the citizens of the Filipinas Islands, in order to support themselves,
be permitted, in return for the merchandise which they send to Nueva
España, to have sent back to them 500U [_i.e._, 500,000] pesos of eight
reals; and in the course of this, it is said, a much greater quantity
passes. As it is an easy thing to increase the zeros in an account,
in this manner they have increased it more than double and triple,
basing their figures on what was written to this court by an auditor
of the Filipinas, who was alleging services so that favors might be
granted to him. He said that when he was going from Nueva España as
commander, and the capitana in which he sailed was wrecked, he had
placed the commercial silver in a place of safety, and there were three
millions of it. The truth is that he exaggerated this to enhance the
value of his service, increasing the sum by more than half; for from
us, who were there, this matter could not be concealed, and there
has never passed so much silver as in that year. If this service was
placed at such figures, it deserved a heavy punishment, and not the
reward which he seeks. Since that time it is true that as much more
passes, to Filipinas, by the permission which your Majesty gives. The
causes of this excess are two. In the first place, the necessity of
the citizens, who are unable to support themselves with so small a
quantity, or to gain profit in trade; since, if there are no more than
five hundred [thousand pesos] they need all which is sent them for
their living alone. Accordingly, even at a great cost to themselves,
they seek means to get profits from their property. The limitation of
this permission entails a difficulty which I have mentioned; for in
the first place measures must be taken to enrich them, since it is
of so great importance to kings that their subjects should be rich,
while the poverty of the latter causes such diminution of their
power. If this reason holds in all the kingdoms of your Majesty,
it does so much more in that one which is so distant, where, when
necessary, they lend to the royal treasury on occasions of need--as
they did last year to Don Alonso Faxardo de Tença, your governor,
whom they lent 200U ducados to lead an army against the Dutch, and
likewise their slaves to man four galleys. They have done this same
thing on other occasions, and expose their persons in war and lose
their lives, as many of the best men of that city have done--their
misfortune lying in this, that they were so far distant from the royal
eyes of your Majesty, wherefore their services are not conspicuous.

In the second place, there is the greediness of the merchants from
Mexico, to whom the greater part of this silver which passes to the
Filipinas belongs; if this could be remedied, the difficulty of so
much outflow of silver as is reported would be obviated. But the
remedy is not to send thither judges and guards who are not to allow
it to pass; for on the contrary, as our experience shows, they go
to enrich themselves by the salaries which your Majesty gives them,
and the profit which they there make. For in all countries ill-gained
wealth is thus christened. The silver which goes there is of no less
value to the royal exchequer than that which comes here, since the
investment of it pays no fewer duties, but more; and at least it
comes finally into the hands of our friends, and is not like that
which comes to España--which for the most part is enjoyed by the
enemies of your Majesty; and the fleets go more heavily laden with
the enemy's property than with that of your vassals.

The merchants of Sevilla complain that the trade with China has been
destroyed by the Indias, but they do not understand the cause of its
ruin. The Marquis de Montesclaros, who governed Nueva España and Piru,
and understood this matter very well (as he did many things), wrote
your Majesty a letter from the Indias, which is in your royal Council,
where he says with clear and evident arguments: "But what strikes
me is, that as the commonest and most universal means of working
the mines is quicksilver, this loss is caused by giving that metal
at so high a price to the miners. For in the first place, as most
of them are poor, they cannot buy it, and therefore a great deal of
metal is left unworked; and in the second place, because those who
are able to buy it cannot work poor mines (for they would be ruined
thereby), and as the greater part of those in the Indias are of this
kind, double the amount of silver [obtained] is left unmined. If your
Majesty would order the quicksilver to be given at cost and expenses,
it would be of incomparably more profit than today; and the Indias
would be in a better condition, more merchandise would be bought,
the duties would increase, and the merchants would not feel the want
of the silver which goes to the Filipinas--as they did not feel it
in times past, although there came much more merchandise from there
than at present. I would that there were so great an abundance of
quicksilver in the Indias, and so cheap, that it could be bought,
not only by the miners, but by other Spaniards and Indians, who would
then have so much silver that their complaints would cease."

If the trade were transferred to España, those who say that the
merchandise from this country would be carried to Filipinas, to be
exchanged for the goods of that country, are not aware that in those
regions there is no one to use Spanish goods except the Spaniards,
who with four pipas of wine, and other wares of little importance,
would be quite sufficiently supplied; and that, if this were so, the
Portuguese and Dutch would take the merchandise away, for nothing
escapes their notice. Both of these take silver, and whatever else
they take is of small importance; so that it would soon be necessary,
in order to maintain the trade, to carry silver from España and risk
it again. It is less trouble to carry it from the Indias, beside the
incomparably greater risk from the sea and from enemies [by the other
route]; and Nueva España would be ruined.

To the third reason, in which they say that many troops are used up,
I would say that it is true that there go each year sometimes two
hundred men, and other years less, and again none at all; and of
these more die from their excesses than from the war, and they do not
count those who return and go through India and other regions. If
those islands were to be abandoned on account of this difficulty,
the same reason holds in Flandes and Italia, which use up more men
in one campaign than do the Filipinas in twenty years.

To the fourth, that because your Majesty is so hard pressed he needs
must attend to matters here, etc., we could say that it is in no wise
expedient that your Majesty should abandon that country, on account
of the dependence of all the Indias upon it; because if the Dutch
possessed themselves of that archipelago (which they are attempting
to do), they would draw from it resources sufficient to destroy the
Indias--not only by the power which they have, but also through the
opportunity of keeping an open port in those regions where your Majesty
could not defend himself without spending much more than the profits of
the Indias. For that reason it is necessary to preserve that country,
as well as all the rest; for your Majesty is under expense for the
same reason in preserving Habana, Puerto Rico, Santo Domingo, Jamayca,
Florida, and the whole continent, without securing profit, merely on
account of the damage which enemies could inflict upon the Indias. Not
alone for this reason are the Filipinas important to your Majesty,
but for another of no less consequence, and which these countries do
not have, namely, the great profits which can be drawn from them.

To the fifth I say that although this maxim, that united forces are
stronger, is usually true, yet there are occasions when this union
consists not alone in compressing them, but in conserving the parts
of which the whole is composed, although these are distant from one
another, as are those which your Majesty possesses in his monarchy. At
first, when the Filipinas were discovered, this might have been done
without any harm while that country was new and strange, unknown to
the nations of Europe, uncultivated and in disorder. No one desired
it until Filipo Second of blessed memory brought it to notice; and
at that time, even if it had been abandoned, there was no one who
coveted it; but now that the great wealth contained in it is well
known, all are desirous of it, and are trying to take it from your
Majesty, so that they may thereby carry on their war. This was well
considered by the exceedingly prudent grandfather of your Majesty;
for he considered not only the service which he was doing to our Lord
God, by spreading His Catholic faith and bringing so many souls to
recognize Him, but likewise that, at the rate at which it was growing,
it would increase for his posterity with greater magnificence. He told
those who were persuading him to abandon it that, if the silver of the
Indias was not enough, he would send what was needed from España. For
if your Majesty possesses the Indias with so honorable a warrant as
that of the Catholic church for the purpose of converting souls, and
there has been and is being taken so much wealth from the Indias,
where your reputation and royal conscience are to such an extent
engaged, what reason can be so pressing that you should not attempt
with great care and energy the preservation of that country, where
the obligation of your Majesty is so pressing? And what excuse would
your Majesty have before the Divine Majesty for not aiding it in time,
if for this reason so many millions of souls should retrograde from
the faith? Then, too, consider the great multitude who, it is hoped,
will come to the knowledge of the true God, in whose hand, as David
says: _Domini est terra, et plenitudo eius, orbis terrarum, et omnes
qui habitant in eo_. [44] Who but He gives kingdoms and monarchies? for
how could He be under greater obligation--if there is any way in which
to oblige Him from whom nothing is due--than to procure His own greater
honor and glory in the salvation of souls, which cost him so much? For
these services are paid for, both here and in heaven, bountifully,
and the holy Scriptures are full of examples to this effect. How many
blessings did He shower upon Obededon for preserving the ark of the
testament, and what favors has the most fortunate house of Austria
[45] received from His hand, which was presaged in that manna which
was once sent! God is very generous, and knows well how to further the
affairs of him who charges himself with His; but as for those who,
on the contrary, put temporal good before His service, what success
can they hope in this? I might well cite many examples which I do not,
that I may not pass the bounds of my memoir.

Although some give as an example the king of Great China, who abandoned
many kingdoms of which he was the lord in order to preserve his own,
this is not suited to your Majesty's position; for Great China is
very extensive and holds as many people as eight Españas, and its
king has one hundred and fifty millions of revenue, or even more,
and is made thoroughly secure by nature and art. What he abandoned,
moreover, was not taken from him, nor was there any risk of putting
himself in a position to make enemies--although where these reasons
are present, those who advised this are right.



Chapter III. How the city of Manila at present bears the burden of
all this structure.


I have already explained how the city of Manila is like the center of
a circle, whose circumference includes all the kingdoms mentioned. It
remains to explain how it maintains this structure and bears the
whole burden of it.

In the first place, it maintains the war of Maluco and feeds it with
troops, supplies, and munitions continually, a thing which Portuguese
India could not do. I argue the matter thus, that I may not seem to
be actuated only by affection for my own country, instead of making a
just estimate. It must be considered that people cannot go to Maluco
from India more than once a year, on account of the weather; this is
well known to all those who sail on those seas. From Manila the voyage
can be made almost the whole year; whence it follows that Maluco could
not be reënforced so conveniently [if the Filipinas were abandoned],
especially in cases of great need.

_Item_: They cannot so well send news [to India as to Manila], or
receive advices, of the difficulties in which they find themselves,
in order to seek aid; for they are very far away and there is no
favorable weather except during a certain monsoon of the year in
order to go to India, and still less to come from there.

_Item_: On account of the lack of available funds in India, for it is
well known that that country is quite exhausted; and news is coming
continually to Manila from, Maluco, for information comes and aid is
sent in a fortnight or less. Likewise on account of the abundance
[in Filipinas] of provisions and other necessary things with which
your Majesty provides them.

_Item_: Because, beside the garrisons of troops which your Majesty
has in Maluco, you have ships of war which molest the enemies. It is
necessary, for the profit that they obtain, that they should not buy
[46] cheaply, since they have to maintain, for the safety of the trade,
a number of fortresses and armed ships on account of the Spaniards
of the Filipinas; but, if the latter were not there, there would be
no enemy to cause them anxiety, nor occasion for expense.

_Item_: Because the trade from Manila with Great China prevents the
Chinese from trading freely with the Dutch; but if they could do so,
it would induce the former to drain from their country great quantities
of merchandise, in order to satisfy their greed.

_Item_: The check and apprehension which is imposed on the enemy lest
they extend their navigation farther, for fear of encountering our
people; accordingly they do not sail on those seas excepting with
great caution.

_Item_: In the city of Manila is a concourse and traffic between
many nations, by whom it is supported--which proves how important it
is to maintain it for the greatness and reputation of your Majesty,
with all those nations and with all the world. For they see with how
few vassals you subject and make so many nations tremble, with the
aid of God, who protects them surrounded by so many enemies as you
have, even within the gates; and yet they live in as much security,
but not heedlessness, as if there were no enemy.



Chapter IV. Explains the error which is generally prevalent that
the money for the reënforcements which your Majesty sends to the
Filipinas, and other things, is spent for their maintenance; and of
the resources which they possess available (if it were not for Maluco)
for their own maintenance.


Since your Majesty sent an order and command to Don Pedro de Acuña to
go with a force of troops to recover Maluco, which the Portuguese had
lost, all the reënforcements of money, troops, and munitions which
have since been raised here are spent in maintaining the forts of
Maluco; and the great quantity that Don Juan de Silva expended was
in the expeditions which he made. Not only has this been spent, but
Manila and all the islands are today almost ruined because of this,
besides the embarrassment in which that placed your royal treasury,
so that if it had to pay what is due to the Indians, excluding what it
owes the citizens, that would be more than two millions.  If it had
not these calls upon its revenues, there would be enough to maintain
it without your Majesty expending any more than the profits which he
obtains from the islands, as may be seen by what follows, which is
copied from the royal books of the royal accountancy with all fidelity.


                                                                  Pesos

There are assigned to the royal crown tributes amounting to
36U516 and a half, of which 28U483 and a half of 8 reals
are collected. The rest, amounting to 5U033 of 10 reals,
which is the province of Ylocos, amounts to                      39U807

There are in all the islands 130U939 tributarios in
encomiendas, and those under the crown pay your Majesty two
reals of income                                                  32U734

The tenths of gold are worth                                      2U000

The tenths on herds of cattle                                     2U500

The customs duties from the Chinese at six per cent on
merchandise                                                      80U000

Licenses imposed by Don Juan de Silva on every Chinaman who
remains in the country, at 8 pesos                               80U000

Duties on cloth belonging to citizens, which is brought in
the ships from Mexico.                                            2U500

Customs duties on ships that go to Mexico sent by citizens
of Manila, at three per cent of the merchandise                  12U000

Other items, 4U pesos                                             4U000

Total amount                                                    255U541


In this way your Majesty has, from year to year, a little more or
less than two hundred and fifty thousand reals of eight, and in this
there are included neither the freight charges of the ships which go
to Nueva España, amounting to more than 30U pesos, nor the twelve per
cent paid there on the merchandise which is sent, because this enters
into the royal treasury of Mexico. The expenses which your Majesty
has in these islands are not so great that, if it were not necessary
to furnish support for the war in Maluco with the Dutch, there would
not be rather some surplus than a deficit; and you could well maintain
four galleons and six galleys for its protection and defense.



Chapter V. That your Majesty possesses in the Filipinas enormous
wealth, even with the little effort made to realize it.


What most discourages many servants of your Majesty, and even prevents
others who are striving to forward your royal service from giving
credence to great things, has been the incredulity which they display
regarding the greatness of the Indias. This has been true since the
first discoverers, as is well known. For not only are we to believe
that the Holy Ghost gave them that impulse to persevere in their
intention--even if that were not (which ought not to be believed)
the glory of God and the saving of souls--but our Lord, who sought by
this means to accomplish His work, gave them so great perseverance
and fortitude in breaking through the midst of so many difficulties
and so much opposition and so many hard rebuffs that, indeed, if
one look upon and read the history of the Indias, it would seem that
men would be unable to suffer so much. But God would encourage them,
for whose cause they persevered in their projects, bringing so great
increase of grandeur to the kings of España. Although since that time
some, more desirous of wealth and honor than moved by God, have tried
to imitate those discoverers, and have had ill success, they ought
not all for this reason to be condemned and reproved without first
examining their intentions and objects, and the real nature of the
affairs which they are conducting.

I have said this briefly, for in what I wish to say I think there will
be many of this sort mentioned; and, just as it is imprudent to believe
all, it would be going to the other extreme to give credit to no one.

In the Filipinas Islands, in so far as I have been able to learn (and
I consider it certain), your Majesty has, without going to conquer
foreign kingdoms, the greatest wealth which has been found in the
Indias; [47] and I base this upon these arguments, for in all those
islands it is well known and established.

After the Spaniards founded the city of Manila and reduced that
island to peace, they learned that in some mountainous regions which
lie about forty leguas from the city, in the province of Pangasinan,
there were many mines of gold, according to the information which
the Indians gave them; but that they were inhabited by warlike and
barbarous Indians, who never permitted those of the plains to go up
there. This was known because they came down at certain times of
the year to buy a quantity of cattle, and brought a great deal of
gold. On this information, although it was somewhat indefinite, Guido
de Labaçares, who governed at that time, sent a number of soldiers to
climb up the mountain. [48] These, being unprovided with necessities,
and fewer in number than were needed, encountered much resistance
from the natives. As the country is rough, and their food soon failed
them, they went back, many of them ill. Although they brought some
information, it was not sufficient to encourage the governor or to
cause him again to further the enterprise. Therefore, little by little,
this knowledge was fading away among the Spaniards, notwithstanding
that the religious who ministered in the neighboring provinces were
well informed, and certain Indians told them of it. Accordingly,
considering the host of vexations, injuries, and losses, and the
diminution of numbers that are suffered by the Indians in all the
Western Indias on account of the labor in the mines, the Order of
St. Dominic especially, who administer the province of Pangasinan,
have tried with all their might to cover up this information, on
account of this fear which possesses them.

Many years ago I learned something of this, but I sided with the
others who gave little credit to it, owing to the little knowledge
that we had. But as time is a great discloser of secrets, while I
was discussing with some religious the difficulties of the future
which the kings of España, the successors of your Majesty, must meet
in maintaining this country if there were in the country itself
no wealth or sources of profit which would oblige them to do so,
I succeeded in securing a great deal of information concerning the
wealth which is there. Particularly, he who is now archbishop [49]
told me that a religious of St. Dominic--the vicar of a village named
Vinalatonga, who was named Fray Jasinto Palao, and who at that time
had come from Luzón to this kingdom [_i.e._, España]--had shown him
some rocks which an Indian had brought him from a mine, and which
appeared extraordinarily rich, beyond anything that had been seen. But
he enjoined the bishop to secrecy, because he himself had heard it
in the same manner. I, who desired the preservation of that country,
took occasion to make friends with that religious, in order to inform
myself the better under pretence of curiosity. I asked him to tell
me what he knew of those mines, whereupon that religious (who was
already en route for the return to the islands) told me that what he
had said was true; and further he said: "No one knows as much about
those mines as I, because some Indians came down from the mountains
and I entertained them. They told me that there was a great deal of
gold up there, and that of what they took from the mines, half the
ore was gold." And he said that when one of them, who was already
somewhat versed in our tongue, saw reals of eight, he said to him:
"We have much of this metal there, Father, much in the mines; but
Indian wants nothing besides gold." I conferred with the bishop of
Nueva Segovia (as that province falls under his jurisdiction), who was
Don Fray Diego de Soria, a Dominican, and with another religious, the
provincial of the same order, named Fray Bernardo de Santa Catalina,
in regard to this matter; and I gave them so many arguments to incline
them to my plan that they were brought to my way of thinking. The
most convincing argument which I used was to persuade them that
the same reason did not hold there as in Nueva España and Piru,
for ill-treating the Indians; for there are so many Chinese who are
raising their hands to God to find something to work at--as many as
are necessary, as was well known by them. Thereupon they told me all
the information that they had for certain from various Indians--not
only from the Christians, some of whom had gone up peacefully to trade,
but likewise from those from above who came down to the province. The
bishop certified that there was the greatest wealth in the world;
and that they had brought him from one hill a little red earth, of
which the whole hill is composed, which was as much as they could
put upon a silver platter. They washed it, in his presence, and took
out seven taes of gold, which amount to forty-four castellanos. [50]
He asserted that in every part of the hill the earth was all of this
richness. With all this information I went to Don Juan de Silva and
told him what had happened, and how I had pacified the friars. He
agreed that we should go and discover it and said that he would go in
person when he finished that expedition. He was overtaken by death,
as has been said, and accordingly the matter has remained in this
condition. And even if there were not in these mountains the wealth of
which we are told, it seems that the obligation to pacify these Indians
exists, and that the holy gospel ought to be preached to them--in the
first place, because your Majesty has undertaken so just and holy an
enterprise; and second, because they are in the same island [with our
Spaniards]. It is a shame that, being in the neighborhood of Manila,
they do not enjoy the blessing that the others do. Beside this, there
is the fact that these as well as their neighbors will not allow other
people to trade in their territory; by the law of nations, therefore,
the Spaniards have a right of action.

The ease and little cost connected with this enterprise are such
that if the governor would send a single person suitable for it, with
two hundred soldiers from the garrison of Manila, and levy a thousand
Indians from the two provinces to help them and transport the supplies,
they would subdue those savages without difficulty, if the man who does
it is prudent and has ambition to make the enterprise a success. This
is not the place to discuss the other measures and affairs in detail;
but if your Majesty should be pleased to have this done, I offer to
give information of all that is necessary to provide, and to solve any
doubts that may arise. I protest before the divine Majesty that I am
not moved by covetousness, nor by desire that your Majesty should grant
me any favor for this, nor am I trying to secure favors by this means;
but I am only seeking the glory of God, the service of your Majesty,
and the welfare of that land.





Chapter VI. Of the persons who are needed in the government of the
Filipinas.


One (and the most important) of the matters which are necessary for the
preservation and growth of that kingdom--whereon depends, as it were,
the attainment of its object--is that the governors should be such men
as are suitable for that post, and have the requisite qualifications
demanded by that government. As so few have hitherto gone there who
are thus qualified, the hindrance to the growth of that country has
been much more than can be understood here.

For thirty years I have been a resident in the Filipinas, and have
not seen one governor such as was needed there, excepting Gomez Perez
de las Marinas, who improved and bettered that land in only the three
years during which he governed, more than all together who had gone
before or have come since have done. The reason for this is, that
those who have succeeded since that time either had not had experience
in government, or did not possess the divine gift which is necessary
for this so delicate task. Over there, although a soldier is needed
who understands matters of war and knows how to regulate and direct
them as they should be, yet he should be receptive of instruction;
and he would learn much more there through the counsel of those who
have broad experience, and through what experience can teach him,
than through any knowledge that they can carry from here. This is the
reason why matters there are very different from those in this kingdom,
as if we were speaking of different species--not only of people and of
their opinions, but of their modes of life and their natures. From this
it has resulted that those who have undertaken to conduct affairs by
the rules current here have committed irremediable blunders. But the
principal thing which is necessary there is that he should be a good
public man, for the basis and fundamental need is good government,
and efforts for the increase of the land, and directing all one's care
toward its welfare, according good treatment to the citizens, showing
kindness to foreigners, and attracting and winning the affections
of all. Great care should be taken to despatch the ships from Nueva
España promptly, and with proper supplies. All the people should be
encouraged to go to trade with the neighboring countries, to build
vessels, to extend their interests, and to bring wealth from those
lands. They should be not only governors, but fathers and protectors
of the Indians. This land, I assure you in all truth, if it had been
thus governed, would be the best and richest in the world, and your
Majesty would possess many sources of profit. Thus all the misfortunes
and losses of property that have occurred there (which have been very
great), have resulted by reason of and through the fault of those
who have governed it, without any one thus far having been punished
or his residencia taken thereon. If Gomez Perez was successful, it
was because he already had had experience in governing, and had been
corregidor many times, in which capacity he was obliged to consider
not only affairs of government but also those of war. Above all,
he was a very good Christian and desirous of doing right, which is
the basis on which is founded all that is good. Accordingly, at his
death, that country lost the special character that he had given it;
but his memory will endure for many years in that city, as that of
the father of the country. About the city of Manila he built a wall of
great strength, fortified it, cast artillery, and performed many other
works with no ado, nor cost to your Majesty. He took to Maluco the
choicest fleet which has ever been collected in the Indias, without
having used for it the thousands from Mexico which your Majesty has
ordered to be carried to other governors; and all this he did by his
prudent plans and energetic action. Hence may be seen the importance
of sending a governor there who is possessed of the traits that I have
mentioned; for, besides so many advantages and good results as he can
secure, and the evils which he can obviate, he will be able to save
for your Majesty many ducados. Indeed, if the money which could have
been dispensed with this year had been saved, your Majesty would be
able to accomplish many military works and gain much wealth. And since
your Majesty entrusts to him more than to all the other governors of
the Indias, it is right that you should seek more carefully for such
a man in that place than for any of the others; since not alone does
your Majesty entrust him with a kingdom, but with your reputation and
renown, which among so many different nations is only known through
your governors for your Majesty. I even dare to say that hence also
comes their knowledge of God. For to him is principally confided the
honor of God and the conversion of so many souls, since we have seen
so plainly how important is his good example; and, on the other hand,
he will abolish evil and scandal not only there, but that which is
spreading in Great China and other nations. They believe that our king
is such a one as they see reflected in him who represents him. What
is still more to be deplored is that, within the last few years,
there has arisen blasphemy against God and derision of your Majesty
among those infidels, on this account. So great is the importance
of your Majesty sending a person such as I have here described;
for those who have not these qualities will destroy rather than build.



Chapter VII. Of the measures which should be chosen for the growth
and preservation of that kingdom.


The first thing which offers under this heading is the consideration
of the matters pertaining to the war with the Dutch, which is the
basal and fundamental question for all the rest; for the enemy is
making such efforts and using so many measures to get control of that
archipelago, and drive out the Spaniards.

Three ways and means present themselves to the mind, beside which I
find no other one, although I have considered it well.

The first, if it be possible for your Majesty, is to manage to have
an armed fleet sent. If, when Don Alonso Faxardo was already your
governor, he had taken the one which had been made ready, the time
was opportune so that he could have driven out the enemy from their
posts, together with the fleet which was in the Filipinas, which
was weakened in men and artillery by its loss at Manila. On account
of this, the natives of the island of Maluco, fearful of the power
of your Majesty, entered our service. This fleet, which I say your
Majesty should have despatched, should have been sent with a previous
warning to the governor of the Filipinas so that he could collect
there as great a force as possible, and provisions with which to
resupply the fleet which would go thither from here, the money for
this purpose to be sent him from Piru or from Nueva España.

Yet besides this, on account of the straitened circumstances of
your Majesty, and the need of attending to other pressing matters,
it is indeed true, in view of the great importance to your Majesty
of not allowing the enemy to get possession of that archipelago (for
he would infallibly become master of the whole of India, and become
more powerful than can be understood here), that there appears to
be another measure less costly in the meantime; although it will not
result in dislodging them, at least it will give them such diversion
and do so much damage that the profit which they will secure will be
dearly bought. This is, that your Majesty should command the governor
of the Filipinas to build eight galleys, and keep them in Terrenate;
I will explain what their cost would be, shortly. These would be
of great importance, as can be readily seen here, if one considers
these reasons and the letter which Don Geronimo de Silva writes to
his cousin, and another from Master-of-camp Lucas de Vergara to the
dean of Manila, and to myself--the originals of which I possess,
and which, as they explain the situation of those islands, I place
at the end of this relation.

In the first place, the enemy has no ports in those islands in which to
take refuge; and ordinarily his fleet goes about, one way and another,
among the coasts there.

Second, every day in the year (or almost every day) there are six
or eight hours of dead calm, at which time galleys never meet a
galleon under these circumstances without taking it or sending it
to the bottom; for it has been seen by experience with a galleon and
a galliot which the Spaniards possess there, what excellent results
they have produced.

Third, on account of this expedient of the galleys the enemy will not
dare to divide their forces among the factories to carry on their
negotiations; and, as they will have to go together, the cost will
be so great that they cannot support it.

Fourth, the supplies will be taken away from their fortresses;
for they have nothing wherewith to support themselves except it be
brought from other islands. This would be very easily accomplished,
and the enemy would have no means to remedy it. The natives who are
devoted to them would be so terrorized that they would be obliged
to come over to our side. If they accomplish that in this way and
through the effective plans of whomsoever shall govern there, and the
negotiations which he would conduct with them, it is quite certain
that the enemy would be ruined, and could not maintain himself a
year in his forts; for it is the natives who aid and sustain him,
and furnish the cloves for his profit.

Fifth, it would be easy to make an invasion with the galleys on all
the factories where they have not fortresses--and especially in Bantan,
which is in Greater Xava, whither they carry all the spices which are
shipped to Holland--and then to gain them all and burn them. They have
no port there for large vessels, but only a bay where vessels which
anchor there are kept at a distance from the land in the mud, aground,
so that they cannot make use of them when they wish. Accordingly
the galleys could easily burn those which lie there. If Don Juan de
Silva had adopted this measure, the enemy would already be subdued;
and your Majesty would not have spent so great sums of money, and so
exhausted the Filipinas Islands.

Sixth, the forces which your Majesty possesses in Maluco would
be maintained with much less cost than at present by means of
these galleys. For as there are no supplies in those islands it
is necessary to send them from the Filipinas, which entails three
difficulties. The first is that prices are thus made higher in
that country, and the natives thereof are oppressed; the second,
that it costs your Majesty a great deal, with the ships and men that
are needed to man them; and the third, that the enemy gets a great
deal of the aid which is sent. All this would be obviated by keeping
galleys there; for it must be understood that the island of Macaçar
is very large, rich, and abundantly supplied, and lies a two days'
journey from Maluco. The king there is desirous of friendship with
us, and has even sent to the governor of Terrenate to seek religious,
as he says in the letter which is at the end of this relation. Last
year he wrote a letter to the governor of the Filipinas, offering
to furnish him all the supplies that he might need for the forces in
Maluco; and saying that, if he had not the money to pay for them, he
might have them on trust until the money came. Things are very cheap
there, costing less than half as much as in the Filipinas, and the
said galleys could transport them easily, without the danger which
they now encounter of being taken by the enemy. Rather, on the other
hand, those which the enemy carry from there could be taken away with
ease, and they would be caused to perish with hunger. If an ordinary
amount of care were taken in negotiating with this king, he would,
as he is so well disposed to the Spaniards, be so devoted to your
Majesty that he would not allow the enemy to enter his port. Besides,
his friendship with them is already greatly strained; and there is
a great disposition among all that people to receive the gospel.

Seventh, as those islands have no posts where cloves may be laded,
the Dutch send their ships far from the artillery of their own
forts, which they cannot approach; and it will be easy to secure the
vessels, or not allow them to lade anything. Considering the calms
which prevail, even if there were many ships they could not aid one
another, whatever injury the galleys were inflicting upon them--the
least being to dismantle them, so that they cannot sail, for there
is nothing there with which to make a mast or rudder.

Eighth, as they have a number of posts where they only keep
twenty-five or thirty men with a squadron commander, and the forts
have no ditches or drinking-water, they could be deprived of these at
any time with ease. Galleons would be of no use in such engagements,
as they cannot vie with galleys, which can get under cover whenever
they wish. Likewise it must be understood, as their forts are in such
danger, they will need so many men to keep them from being taken,
and so much to maintain them, that their profit will be so small
that it will be gain for them to abandon it. This would indeed be
making a pretty game of war, and cutting their throats with a wooden
sword. And I assure your Majesty that this idea is not only my own,
but that of all experienced men in Maluco There resides at this court
Juan Gomez de Cardenas, who gained considerable experience in Japon
with a Dutch factor, who never thought that this man was a vassal of
your Majesty. The latter made known to him the said reason, and said
that they feared nothing until your Majesty should send there six or
more galleys.

It now remains to tell the ease and little cost with which your
Majesty could maintain these galleys and man them; and if this is
explained for one, it holds in regard to all. The hull of a galley
of twenty-four benches, put together and fitted for sailing, costs
in the Filipinas four thousand ducats. The gang to man it must be
secured in this manner. The governor of the Filipinas should send to
Mindanao three hundred soldiers, by whom--besides setting free more
than ten thousand Christian captives, vassals of your Majesty in the
Filipinas--sufficient men could be captured to man the galleys. If
this measure be not sufficient, a frigate or two should be sent to
Malaca for cloves on your Majesty's account, which would bring back
negroes at two hundred reals, more or less, with which to man them;
these oarsmen are very satisfactory, as experience has shown. In order
to maintain the crew and replace those who die, men could be captured
continually from our enemies, on a thousand occasions, without fail.

The support of the galley slaves is inexpensive, for they live on rice,
fish, and a little jerked beef--which, besides, is often captured from
the enemy there; and is very low in price when it has to be bought,
as, at present, in the island of Macaçar.

The third and last measure is, if these two fail, such that I dure
not write it, for that is not expedient; but I will explain it to
your Majesty, if you are pleased to learn it. I shall not go into
this matter any further, nor explain the reasons more in detail,
as this is not to be long; but if your Majesty should be pleased to
carry out any of the suggestions here made, I shall explain away the
doubts which may present themselves.

In the second place the person who is to govern should have the said
requisites, for he is the soul of the undertaking; and it is he who
must execute whatever your Majesty orders and commands. Whatever he
is, such will be the rest. That this may not appear an exaggeration,
I will prove it by evidence.

There are dependent upon the governor not only the secular Spanish
residents of those islands, but the ecclesiastics; also war and peace,
and the royal Audiencia, the archbishop, the bishops, and all the
other soldiers and citizens; for it is he who must reward and honor
them with offices of peace and war. He must assign the cargoes of
the ships, the profits and advantages. The royal Audiencia, because
he appoints their relatives and constituents to offices of profit,
must needs keep in his graces. The archbishop and bishops, if they do
not conform to his will, may have their temporal support taken from
them; for if he cannot do it with good cause, he can easily do it in
other ways. In a thousand things which occur, too, they need him for
the direction of their affairs; and he can inflict on them so many
burdens and annoyances that they realize how dearly they are buying the
privilege of opposing him or contradicting his wishes. The chapter of
the church is the same, or worse; for he makes appointments, as your
Majesty is patron, and orders the stipends to be paid. Accordingly it
is necessary to be in his good graces. The cabildo of the city dare not
do anything against his will; for those who oppose him or say anything
in the sessions which is contrary to his wishes, it costs dear, and,
besides, he is aware of whatever they do there. They dare not write
to your Majesty, without taking to him the letters so that he may
examine them; and there have been times when he has had these torn
up, and ordered them to write others. Consequently, the religious who
are teaching, and those of the convents, are all dependent upon him.

The royal officials do no more than he wishes, and, besides, they
have the example of former ones, who for not acting thus were removed,
and held prisoners for three years until your Majesty learned of it,
and ordered their offices to be returned to them, and perchance the
many hardships and afflictions which the governor inflicted upon
them, and caused them to suffer, cost two of them their lives, and
lost for your Majesty, in the factor, one of the best servants whom
you had in the Filipinas. Accordingly, what I promised to prove is
well established; for the complaints were so long in arriving, and
the redress in returning, that he who awaited them was already dead.

In the third place, it is essential that he should not be excessively
grasping; and that your Majesty should give him such expectations,
if he conducts himself well, that his profit will rest more on them
than in what the government is worth to him. He should be of mature
age and great experience in handling the affairs of the commonwealth,
such as some knights possess who hold offices of corregidor on the
coasts of España, and who govern in peace and war, as they never lack
exercise for these abilities on the coasts. For if they were only
required to be expert in war, the country would be in ruins before
they became capable of governing it--as, for our sins, we have seen
in past years. They should not come burdened with debts, which are
demoralizing in a thousand ways. Notwithstanding that your Majesty
has issued decrees which prohibit them from giving offices of profit
to members of their households, rather than to the worthy persons of
the kingdom, these decrees are the least complied with; nor is there
any one who dares to interfere in this. If any one should make bold
to put the bell on the cat, as the adage says, who would make him
comply with it? By no means the royal Audiencia. At one time when I
was petitioning for the execution of a royal decree of your Majesty
there, an auditor, a friend of mine, said: "You should not do this;
for, besides not accomplishing anything by it, you will get yourself
into difficulty with him."

With this in view, it is very important to forbid these offices to
persons who are under obligations, which induce an insatiable greed
and presumption; and, to fill that yawning void, the wealth of all
the Indias is insignificant. The worst is, that they pervert a man,
and lead him astray by their influence. If I were to recount here
in detail all the difficulties which they occasion, I should have
to take twice the space. In short, everyone there is lamenting; and
these people come in smiles, and even negotiating for the honors
which belong to others, with crass insolence; and, worse yet, it
seems to the governor that his own people alone deserve all there is,
and the rest are of no account. To give color to their impudence,
one of them has dared to write to your Majesty that there was not a
person in all your kingdom who could in the least be trusted. The
mistakes of these people are never punished, nor is there any one
who dares to demand an investigation against them, even when they
have done a thousand injuries. In short, he must be such a one as
the emperor Theodosius spoke of to St. Ambrose, when he sent him to
govern Milan: "Go; and, look you, I send you not to act as governor,
but as bishop." Such must be the governors of the Filipinas, if your
Majesty would have them succeed.

And on this account I have no fault to find with Don Alonso Faxardo,
whom your Majesty has sent at present to govern. On the contrary, I
believe that he will conduct himself there as befits the service of
your Majesty and the welfare of your kingdom. For I recognized such
desires in him in the little intercourse that I had with him in Mexico,
where I was acquainted with him. I am therefore very thankful to God
to see him so desirous of serving you, and may He give him grace to
succeed. As for the persons who are sent to that Audiencia, they should
be in a degree like the governors; for your Majesty places as much
confidence in them--although I think it would be more to the purpose
to discontinue it, for the reasons which are given by most people in
that country, in which matter I will give your Majesty a memorial.

The affairs of that kingdom are in such disorder, and move in so
irregular channels, that people ask for an inspector to reform and
adjust them and put everything in its place, redressing injuries and
punishing wrong-doing. The country is much in need of this; but that
it may not be like the frogs who asked Jupiter for a king, and were
given one that devoured them, it will be best for your Majesty to
appoint some one from that country, who, through his great experience
and knowledge, cannot be deceived, and knows what must be reformed, and
who is possessed as well of the prudence and tact which are necessary
in such a new country. And on the other hand, on account of the risks
which exist in sending anyone from here who does not understand the
affairs and conditions which must be remedied, and knows not how to
proceed, it would be wiser to send no one, on account of the danger
which exists of ruining the city.

_Item_: The governor should not consent to Japanese living in that
country, as they are a great trouble and danger to the country,
and the city is continually in danger from them.

_Item_: The Chinese should be very carefully restricted, so that no
greater number of them than your Majesty has ordered be [allowed to
remain there]; for they are permitted [to enter the country] without
any exercise of caution, and we know by experience what this costs.

_Item_: Your Majesty should command the governor finally to reduce the
island of Mindanao to obedience to your Majesty; for those islands
are so infested that they hinder the carrying of reënforcements to
Maluco. And as they are in league with the Dutch, we have a perfect
right to make war upon them and subject them to slavery. All this is
easy for the governor if your Majesty command it, and is so necessary
for the security of your Majesty's vassals, as I intend to explain
to your Majesty more at length in a separate memorial.

_Item_: There is an island which lies about twenty leguas from Maluco,
called Macaçar, which measures about two hundred and fifty leguas
around; it is very rich and well supplied, and from it the forces
in Maluco could be supplied with ease and at little cost. It will
be necessary for your Majesty to order the governor to negotiate
with the king there for friendship and commerce. For the latter has
already sent and written, saying that he desires it and that he will
furnish all the supplies that are desired, and, if there is no money,
will give credit for them until it is procured; and he has sent to
ask for religious to preach the faith. They are a capable people,
of good disposition, and are disposed to receive the gospel. As this
district lies nearest to that which the fathers of the Society hold,
it would be of much importance to send a few religious assigned to
that island; and for your Majesty to be pleased to have their general
requested to give them, which is of much importance even for temporal
objects, besides the great service which they can render to God. And
the Dutch could not get supplies from there, which would take away
from them much of the previsions with which they are supported. Two
fathers of the Society have been there, and have written that they
were very well received; and it is highly expedient to encourage them.

_Item_: Your Majesty should order the governor to attend with much
diligence to the despatching of ships which go to Nueva España,
for upon this so much of the growth of that kingdom depends; and
since he is so good a sailor and prides himself upon it, he should
regulate that in the proper way, for at present it proceeds with
great disorder and even recklessness, as I shall explain to your
Majesty in a separate memorial.

_Item_: Your Majesty should command that the garrisons of that
kingdom be made open, on account of the fact that experience has
shown that more men would go, if this were the case. Those in Maluco
should be exchanged with those in the Filipinas every three years,
for otherwise so many refuse to go to Maluco, and the forts there are
in such ill-repute, that those who are taken there are discontented, as
if they were being sent to the galleys; but if they are exchanged, as I
have said, they will go willingly. Beside, they would become experts,
and the soldiers from Maluco are worth more than those who have not
been there, on account of their constant exercise in war and labor.

_Item_: Your Majesty should command that the city of Manila be made
an open garrison, like San Juan de Ulua and Habana; for in this way
the men will go to the Filipinas willingly. As Don Juan de Silva has
done otherwise for years past, this country has become depopulated,
and they have fled to various parts from time to time, no one daring
to go there on this account.

_Item_: Concerning the treatment of the Indians, and what it is well to
inform your Majesty in this regard, as well in what concerns your royal
conscience as the good of the country, a separate memorial is required.

_Item_: As to the manner of governing them and collecting their
tributes, as has been seen by experience, the religious have done
a great deal of harm by preventing the Indians from paying tributes
on the fruits which they harvest; because the religious have not the
inclination or sense to leave many things free--as will be seen in
the account I shall give your Majesty in regard to this, all of which
has been taught by experience.

_Item_: Finally, it is very necessary that your Majesty should consider
that that country is very new, and that your Majesty should desire
its growth; and because, likewise, it was not so much in need of your
Majesty's protection and favor in the beginning as it is now--when so
few wish to go there on account of ill-treatment, many misfortunes,
and the fear of enemies--your Majesty should protect it so that they
may be encouraged to go there. For this your Majesty should command
your ministers to give those who wish to go a comfortable passage. For
if in early days the king our lord, the father of your Majesty, who
so greatly favored and loved that land, not only furnished a passage,
but likewise the necessaries for their journey, to those who wished to
go, and even freed them from duties and imposts, that aid is much more
necessary today; and at least they should be given some exemptions,
and should not be treated with such harshness as they now are. This
I can affirm as an eyewitness, that when we arrived at the port of
Capulco, after having been on the voyage five months, and a great many
of our people had died, and God had brought us through such boundless
hardships and dangers to the place where we were to refresh ourselves,
they treated us worse, indeed, than they did the Dutch; for to the
latter they gave food there, and sent them away satisfied, and to
us they acted as they should have done to the Dutch. Since a proper
remedy for what happened at the port of Capulco, which I am bound to
suggest to your Majesty, and for many other matters concerning your
royal service, cannot be suggested in this place, I shall give it in
other memorials.

_Item_: The encomiendas which your Majesty used to grant were formerly
for three lives; and a short time ago your Majesty ordered by a
royal decree that they should be, and it should be so understood,
for two lives. This is a great difficulty in the preservation of that
community, and especially so as your Majesty has granted the favor
to Nueva España of giving them for four lives; and as the Filipinas
have been, and continue to be thus far, the colony of Nueva España,
and almost governed by the royal Audiencia thereof, it is a great
hardship that they should enjoy no more than two lives. In the
first place, because many are discouraged from serving your Majesty,
and even from remaining in that country, when they learn that their
sons and grandsons must be reduced to the greatest poverty, the said
encomienda expiring with the holder's first son or his wife, as at
present happens; in the second place, because four lives are shorter
in the Filipinas than two in Nueva España. The reason for this is the
many occasions for war and naval expeditions, wherein men are easily
killed or drowned, leaving their successors in the hospital--as is
at present the case with many, which makes one's heart ache with pity.

In answer to the tacit objection which might be brought up that it is
better to have the encomiendas vacated quickly, so that others may
be rewarded with them, and with this hope will go to serve there, I
would say that the important matter is to make a compromise--namely
that your Majesty should concede the said encomiendas not for four
lives, as in Nueva España, nor for two as at present, but for three,
as formerly, which is a very necessary measure for the relief of some,
and the encouragement of others to the service of your Majesty.



Letter from Master-of-camp Lucas de Vergara, written to Don Francisco
Gomez de Arellano, dean of Manila, which is the last that came from
Maluco in the past year.


By the ship "San Antonio," which I despatched to that city on the
thirteenth of May last, I informed you, with other matters pertaining
to me, of my health, and my arrival at these forts safely with the
three ships in which I took the reënforcements; and of how well I
was received by everyone, and everything which had occurred to me
up to that time. What I have to say to you since that time is that,
from the persons who have come to me from the forts of the enemy, both
native and Dutch, and from other inquiries that I have made, I have
learned that of the ten Dutch ships which were at the harbor-mouth
of Marivelez only four have come back to these islands. One of them
brought the wounded men from Oton; a second one, when our fleet
went out to seek that of the enemy, was going out to sea, picking up
Sangley ships. When it saw our fleet, without going back to theirs,
it cast loose a very rich junk which it was towing astern, and took
to flight. The captain of this vessel, they tell me, the Dutch put
to death for having fled. Two other vessels arrived at the port of
Malayo on the eighth of June. These had found occasion to fight with
our fleet; and accordingly they arrived dismantled by cannon-shots,
and with many wounded men. These brought the news that only six of
their vessels had fought with eight of ours and three galleys; and
that their commander's ship and two others were lost, one going to
the bottom and the other two being burned. Their commander escaped in
a boat which they saw was being followed by two of our galleons and a
galley--although they did not know the result, since neither this one,
nor two others that are lacking from the ten, have appeared here thus
far. Of six hundred men whom they took from the forts which they have
on these islands to put in the ten boats, when they were at Manila,
only a hundred came back alive. These two damaged ships are being
put to rights, and in all they have five at present in these islands,
with few men; so that if a part of our fleet had come, and followed
up the victory, they might all have been captured. This loss has made
both the Dutch and those of Terrenate very sad and cast down, for they
were in hopes to come back rich and victorious. A few silks and other
goods were brought in the ships which escaped and they sold them to
us very dear, although not so dear as they cost them. What they are
considering now, and urge for the consolation of those of Terrenate
and the other nations friendly to them, is that they are going to
collect a great fleet which they have in Ambueno, and in the Sunda;
and with the whole fleet they are to attack the forts of his Majesty
before our fleet arrives from Castilla and from the Filipinas. This
you already know of. Beside this, they are putting their fortresses
in the best state of fortification possible, together with the posts
which they hold; for they see that the natives here are very lukewarm
in their friendship, and they fear that when they see our fleet more
powerful than theirs, the natives will drop their friendship and try
to win ours. The king of Tidore and I consider it certain, judging
from what we have heard from themselves, and particularly from those
of the island of Maquien, that that alone is richer in cloves and
native inhabitants than are all the others there. Their Sangaje,
who went there to treat of this matter, was taken and killed in the
fort at Malayo, which irritated the natives of that island very much.

By a caracoa which I sent to Ambueno, to get word of what was doing
there, I learned that the Dutch have seven ships in that island, and
that they sent one ship laden with cloves to Holland. The natives there
are, for the most part, at war with the Dutch, as are likewise those
of the islands of Banda, where there are two or three English ships
fortifying themselves with the permission and aid of the natives. The
Dutch and the English have fought over this and the Dutch hold forty
English prisoners--all of which is very good for us. It is rumored
that in the Sunda there are twenty Dutch ships, but I do not know what
truth there is in this. I am at present getting ready and fortifying,
as well as I can, the forts which his Majesty has in these islands, so
that they may be ready at any juncture; although there is a great lack
of men for the necessary work, because there went this year to Manila
more than came out, and some are sick, and there are many places to
guard. Particularly there are three situated in the island Batachina,
which, as they are in an unhealthy country, exhaust the troops more
by death and sickness. They are passably supplied with provisions at
present, owing to the care which I take to seek out what is in the
country; and thus, with the rice which I brought, and a little which
was here, I have managed to get along. I shall have enough provisions
for the whole of October, and if I am sent those that I await from
the island of Mateo I shall have enough for November. By that time
I hope to get aid from those islands, for I am very confident that
the lords there will aid me as ever; and the lord captain-general,
being a man of so much experience, as he suffered so many needs in
his own time, will aid in this with the expedition and care which are
necessary for its preservation, since everything is and continues
to be for that object. In whatever may happen which concerns this,
I beg of you to further it as far as possible, as I shall take it as
a great favor, besides being a service for God and for his Majesty,
and as you are so zealous. I beseech you to be pleased to advise me
of what may occur there and I shall do the same always here.

By the last despatch I sent you three birds of paradise, and the
bearer of this, Sergeant Romero, brings you two more. I wished that
there were more, but I assure you that they were not to be found,
as the boats which usually bring them have not arrived.

While I was writing this a Dutch trumpeter arrived from the forts of
the enemy, and gave the same report as another who came two days ago,
and whom I send by this ship, so that he may tell the whole thing
there--for, considering the news and the state of affairs, it is of
the highest importance that our fleet should come here by the month
of December. If those ships alone came which his Majesty has in those
islands, it would be superior to the enemy's fleet; for with this they
could be kept from taking to Holland this year the great quantity of
cloves which they will harvest. This is the greatest loss which can
be inflicted upon them at present; since with the profits from this
they are waging war upon his Majesty in these parts with such great
fleets. This is the opinion of those who have most at heart the service
of his Majesty in these regions. I am writing, above all, to the lords
there; and you will do me the favor which you always do in such cases.

Although I do not know what new things there may be there, I leave
it all to your good opinion and intelligence and that of Señor Canon
Garcetas, as I know, since you are such friends of mine, that you
will give the most fitting counsel. May our Lord protect you for the
greatest possible number of years. I kiss your hands. Tidore, July 5,
1617. Your humble servant,

_Lucas Vergara Gaviria_




Part Third. Wherein is Given Information of Other Matters Concerning
the Filipinas, the Islands of Maluco, and Others of the Archipelago;
of Their Riches, and of the Forts and Factories Which the Dutch Hold;
and of the Wealth Which is At Present Secured from Them.



Chapter I. Of the prelates and their districts in the islands, and
of certain curious things.


The island called Luçon, which is the most important, has two bishops
and an archbishop. The archbishopric has jurisdiction in the vicinity
of the city of Manila, the capital of that country. Toward the east
it reaches as far as the village called Calilaya, forty leguas from
the city on the same island. It has four offices of alcalde-mayor,
which is the same thing as a corregimiento--namely those of La
Laguna de Vai, La Laguna de Bonvon, another in Valayan, and that
of Calilaya. In this there are many Indian villages administered by
religious of the Augustinian order, and still more by the discalced
of St. Francis. Toward the west of the jurisdiction is that of the
province of Pampanga, which is fertile and well-peopled, and that
of Bulacan, and the Cambales. These are not Christians and cannot be
reduced to conversion, but are negroes who go about like wild beasts
through the inaccessible parts of the mountains. They are given to
cutting the heads from other Indians, and no woman will marry a Cambal
unless he has cut off a head; accordingly, in order to be married,
he will cut one off, even though it be that of his own father when he
finds the latter in the fields. If these had been given into slavery
they would have been already reduced; but, although I have advised
it many times in the Council, no measures for this have ever been
taken. As the matter stands, they will never be pacified except by
this means. The reason for this is that, if they were given into
slavery, the Indians of Pampanga, with their great desire to hold
slaves for the managing of their crops, would have reduced them. They
do a great deal of damage, so much that no Indian dares go out alone
to work in his field, because they kill him merely for the sake of
cutting off his head. They live upon roots and fruit from the woods,
and have no houses, nor possessions, and go about naked. Toward
the east this jurisdiction takes in all the island, and toward the
west lies the sea. Several islands are joined to this jurisdiction,
as are those of Lioban and Mindoro. In these are a number of trees
resembling cinnamon [_canela_], which I have shown to our physicians,
who say that it is the Cinamomo. [51] Then there is the island of
Marenduque, where there are mines of copper; and other islands,
of little importance and sparsely peopled.

Northward from this jurisdiction begins the bishopric of Nueva
Segovia, starting from the province of Pangasinan, where end the
Combales and the province of Ilocos--wherein are situated the
mountains of the Idolotes [_sic_], and where are so rich mines, as
I have explained. They are all Christians. The Dominican religious
minister to the province of Pangasinan, and the Augustinians to that
of Ilocos. Farthest to the north lies the province of Nueva Segovia,
which is administered by Dominican friars. These three provinces are
very fertile and well peopled, and to the north of this district there
are several islands called Vabuianos, where the Indians raise swine of
remarkable size. Throughout the whole island [of Luzón] there are many
wild swine. They are not fierce, like those in España, and accordingly
are easily killed. There is a great number of large, fierce wild
buffaloes. They are killed with muskets, and on one occasion they
were unable to bring down a buffalo with twelve musketshots. If the
man who is shooting misses, and does not get quickly under cover, he
will be killed. The Indians catch them as we do partridges here, and it
is a remarkable thing, wherefore I shall now explain it. They make a
very strong stockaded enclosure [_corral_], and on either side of the
gate they move out, carrying with them palm leaves of a certain kind,
touching one another. They keep spreading out the line until it is
about a quarter of a legua long, more or less. When they find a herd,
for the animals go many together, they frighten and follow them, and,
driving them along, continue with shouts; and as they are running and
striking with the said leaves, the buffaloes will not pass through
the line of men if they are excited. Thus little by little they enter
into the narrowest part until they are compelled to enter into the
gate of the enclosure, which is then barred. There the Indians, by
their devices, catch the animals one by one, tie them, and put them
each one in a small enclosure of strong stakes so narrow that they
cannot turn around, so that they have no chance to struggle. There
they keep them without food for a fortnight, until they are so feeble
and thin that they cannot stand. Then an Indian comes with a wisp of
hay, and although angry, they needs must eat; and within twenty days
they are so tame with the person who gives them food, that they let
themselves be scratched. Iron rings are put in their noses, and they
are led anywhere with a rope, like a beast of burden. I have seen one
of these buffaloes with a negro who had fed him, seated on his head,
and he played with the negro like a dog, but was a lion for those whom
he did not know. This jurisdiction is fifty leguas long on the sea
side. The interior of the island remains unpacified, as it consists
of the said mountains. The bishopric of Las Camarinas [_sic_] is the
most easterly on this island, and extends more than sixty leguas,
including several adjacent islands, such as Burias, Ticao, Capul,
and Catanduanes. There are many nutmeg trees in this bishopric, the
fruit of which no one gathers. There is in this province a spring
from which flows hot water, and if anything is placed in it it turns
to stone. [52]

The bishopric of Cibu has the largest jurisdiction, as it includes all
the islands to the east, such as Leite, Babao, Maripi, Tinagon, Panaon,
the island of Negros, and that of Oton. Westward are Cebuyan and
Romblon; and to the south the island of Mindanao, which is almost as
large as that of Luzon. There is in it a great deal of cinnamon, rich
gold mines, and considerable civet; and so large a number of civet-cats
that they do no more than catch them with snares, take the civet out
and set them free again, and thus profit by them without furnishing
them with food. There are many other islands, and from there to the
Malucos it must be about eighty leguas. In all these islands there
is collected a great deal of wax and honey, which is produced in the
woods, and which, accordingly, the Indians do not cultivate. The bees
are small and dark-colored, and do not live in the hollows of trees and
rocks, but build their nests among the branches--using on them a dark,
coarse wax, which is so strong that, even though it rains hard, not a
drop of water enters. So much is gathered there that not only are we
all supplied cheaply, but there are sent to Nueva España, Japon, and
China more than two thousand quintals each year. There are many deer,
not so slender as are ours; and there are no other animals. There
are many wood-fowl, smaller than ordinary ones, but more palata le;
and which have breasts like partridges. There are in the forests
certain shoots called _bejucos_, which they use as we do osiers here;
but they are much better, some of them being as thick as one's thumb,
and even larger, and six or eight brazas long. When they are thirsty,
the Indians cut off a braza, and a quartillo of fluid runs out of it,
which is good and healthful. There are certain canes [_i.e._, bamboos],
some of which are as thick as one's thigh, and others smaller, and five
or six brazas long; of these the poor Indians construct their houses,
without other material--walls, floors, roofs, posts, and stairs.

There are certain palms which bear a fruit called cocoanuts (which are
ordinarily brought to España from Guinea); these are such an aid to
human life that from them, or rather from the cocoanuts, they obtain
the commonest oil of that country, which is as excellent for wounds,
even though they be deep ones, as that of _aparicio_. From this tree
they obtain wine which is the common beverage of that country; strong
vinegar, which is good for the table; and milk like that of almonds,
to serve with rice, and which curdles like real milk. When it is soft
the fruit is like green hazel-nuts in taste, and better; and there is
a serum for many ills and infirmities, which is called whey, as it
looks much like that of milk. It is there called _tuba_. They make
honey from this tree; also oakum with which to calk ships, which
lasts in the water, when that from here would rot. Likewise they
make rigging, which they call _cayro_; and they make an excellent
match for arquebuses, which, without any other attention, is never
extinguished. The shoots resemble wild artichokes while they are
tender. There is a plant with leaves after the shape and fashion of
the ivy, which is a certain species of pepper which they call buyo,
the use of which is common throughout the whole archipelago; and
it is so excellent a specific against ulcerated teeth that I do not
remember ever having heard it said that any native suffered from them,
nor do they need to have them pulled. It is a good stimulant for the
stomach, and leaves a pleasant odor in the mouth.

There is a bird which they call _tabon_, a little larger than a
partridge; and it buries its eggs, which are as large as goose eggs,
to the number of eighty or a hundred, half an estado deep in the sand
of the bays of the sea. They are all yolk, without any white, which is
an indication of their great heat. Accordingly, the mother does not sit
upon them, and they hatch, and the birds scratch their way out from the
sand. When the bird has come out it is as large as a quail, and goes
about picking up its food as other birds do after they are grown. I
have seen this with my own eyes, and there must be other eyewitnesses
of it in this court. So marvelous is the character of these birds. I
pass over many other peculiarities for fear of tiring your Majesty.

There are many good and savory wild fruits there. The ordinary food
in those islands is rice, as it is over all Asia and the neighboring
islands; and I dare assert that more people are supported in the
world by rice than by wheat. There is a great deal of sugar, which is
usually worth four reals the arroba, or less; and the Chinese bring
so much rock sugar, which they call _cande_, that it is ordinarily
worth eight reals an arroba, or less.

In that part of the island of Mindanao which faces the south, as I
have said above, the Indians are rebellious; and it is they who have
done, and still do, great damage to the others. They have taken up the
doctrine of Mahoma and are friendly with the Dutch. As they have not
been given into slavery, they are not pacified; and this is one of the
most important matters there, and deserves the application of a remedy.



Chapter II. Of the ministers and religious instruction in the islands,
and those who have been converted to our holy Catholic faith, and
those who pay tribute.


The island of Luzon, in the archbishopric and the two bishoprics, has
fifty-nine encomiendas, and in that of Nueva Segovia, which is the most
northerly, there are twenty-six; in that of Camarines, which is the
most easterly of the islands, there are thirty--in all, one hundred and
fifteen. In the bishopric of Cibù there are seventy-one, which make, in
all, one hundred and eighty-six encomiendas of Indians. They comprise
130U938 tributarios in all; each tributario includes husband and wife,
and thus at least four persons are reckoned, including children and
slaves (as they have no others to serve them except slaves); there are,
then, 523U752 Christians in these encomiendas. There are assigned to
the royal crown 33U516 tributarios, and the rest are assigned and
granted to deserving soldiers. This is exclusive of the people who
pay no tributes, that is, the chiefs. There are, in all these one
hundred and eighty-six encomiendas, the same number of monasteries
and churches. Some of them have two monasteries each as they are too
large to be administered by two religious; ordinarily, to each one
are assigned five hundred tributarios. There are other encomiendas
which have one monastery between two of them. Averaging these,
I suppose there are about three hundred and seventy-two priests,
besides the laymen. In the city there are about eighty or ninety,
in four monasteries--one of St. Dominic, another of St. Francis,
another of St. Augustine, another of the Recollect Augustinians--and
the cathedral. These places of worship have as handsome buildings as
are those of the same class in España; and the whole city is built of
cut-stone houses--almost all square, with entrance halls and modern
_patios_ [_i.e._, open courts]--and the streets are straight and
well laid out; there are none in España so extensive, or with such
buildings and fine appearance. The city has as many as five hundred
houses; but, as these ate all, or nearly all, houses which would
cost 20U or more ducados in this court, they occupy as much space
as would a city of two thousand inhabitants here. For the wall, as
measured by me, is 2U250 geometrical pasos in circumference, at five
tercias for each paso, which makes three quarters of a legua. [53]
In all these islands there are none unconverted except the Zambales,
as I have said above, and those in the mountains where the mines are,
and a few villages behind these same mountains, which are called
the province of Ituri--so called because it was discovered by Don
Luys Perez de las Marinas, in the time of his father, who sent him
there. For lack of religious, the gospel has not been preached to
them. They are a peaceable people, and make no opposition. In Nueva
Segovia, which is under the charge of the Order of St. Dominic, there
are some to be converted, who have not yet been settled peacefully,
as they are warlike and restless Indians. On the contrary, they have
rebelled several times; but it has always been on account of injuries
which the Spaniards have inflicted upon them.



Chapter III. Of the islands of Maluco, and others adjacent to them;
and of the spice and other articles that are contained in them.


The Malucas Islands, commonly so called, where, of the spices, cloves
are obtained, and so named from this drug, [54] are five. They
begin at that of Bachan, which is on the equinoctial line, and
extend north and south. The farthest north is that of Terrenate,
which is six or seven leguas in circumference. It consists entirely
of a very high elevation, on the summit of which is a volcano, which
sends forth fire. In the medial region of this mountain they raise the
clove-trees, which are like laurel trees, the leaves being a little
narrower and longer. This island has five fortresses; the principal
one is called Talangame, and another San Pedro. The Dutch have three:
that of Malayo, which is the principal one; another called Tacome,
and another Tolecò, which is of little importance.

The island of Tidore is distant about two leguas from this, and,
although smaller, has about the same aspect. Your Majesty has a fort
there, and the king of Tidore has another. The Dutch have two others,
which they call Great and Little Mariaco. In the island of Motiel,
farther south, the Dutch have a fort.

In that of Maquien there is a fort. Directly beyond this is another and
smaller island, called Cayoa; and that of Bachan, with several others
of little importance, lies near. To the east of all these islands
is one called Vatachina, or Gilolo, lying two or three leguas from
these--a very large island, where your Majesty has two forts. This
island extends so far that it makes a strait with the island of Nueva
Guinea on the eastern end, according to the relation of Fray Diego
de Prado, of the Order of St. Basil, who, while he was a layman,
coasted along this island on the southern side, of which nothing
was then known. This is the largest island in the world, and was
discovered from the northern side. It extends from the equinoctial
line. No one has thus far examined what is in the interior, although
it is known that it is well peopled, some of the natives being black,
and some of the ordinary color of Indians. There are indications of
much wealth. More to the east, there are the islands of Salamon near
by. The blacks are sold among the Indians, as in Guinea, and they have
fairs at set times. The Indians buy these people to cultivate their
lands. Beyond these Malucas Islands there are some to the southward,
of little importance, as far as that of Ambueno, which is seventy
leguas distant from them. The Dutch have a fort there, which they
took from the Portuguese, and a port where abundance of cloves are
gathered--which, transplanted from the Malucas, have grown in this
island alone and in no other. Eighteen leguas farther east lies the
island of Banda, where nutmeg is gathered; and the Dutch have another
fortress there.

Westward from the Malucas Islands, about twenty leguas distant,
is an island called Macasar. It is more than two hundred and fifty
leguas around, and is very fertile and rich, being inhabited by the
best people in those islands; their king is friendly, very peaceful,
and glad to trade with the Spaniards. He used to receive the Dutch,
and let them provide themselves from his country with provisions
for all their forts. He does not now admit them, and has sent to ask
for religious to preach the gospel; and two of the Society and two
Dominicans have been sent to him. The friendship of this king is very
important for the preservation of Maluco.

Next, farther to the west, lies the island of Borney. It is 400 leguas
in circumference. On the side which faces the south the Dutch maintain
trade, and through it they obtain the finest diamonds.

In Greater Java, which is the island that forms a narrow strait with
that of Samatra, they have a factory (without a fort), to which they
bring the cloves and nutmeg and pepper which they buy there, which
amounts to a large quantity. They trade there, and a few years ago the
Javans drove them out. Since the English have become their allies,
they are able to keep the natives in subjection, and are building
a fortress.

They have other factories in the kingdom of Patan, at one of which
they buy a great deal of pepper. Patan lies more to the north of
the strait of Sincapura (which others call the strait of Malaca);
and further north lies the kingdom of Sian, which is very rich in
many kinds of merchandise, and in rubies. They have another factory
there. In the kingdom of Cambosea [_sic_; _sc._ Camboja] they have
another, and still another in Cochinchina. They are not allowed
to enter China, but rather, on account of the robberies which they
have perpetrated, they are held to be enemies of the country. In the
islands of Japon they have another factory, from which they procure
supplies and military stores, and which is of much importance to
them. Of the other islands of this archipelago no mention is made,
to avoid being prolix, although there are a great number of them.




Chapter IV. Wherein are considered the riches of the spice trade of
these Malucas Islands and the others.


These Malucas Islands give from year to year four thousand four hundred
bares of cloves in clusters, which are called "selected," according
to the relation which is made and the information given by Don Juan de
Silva, knight of the habit of Santiago, when he governed the Filipinas
Islands. Others say that there are eight thousand, and still others,
six. The first statement is the most accurate, and agrees with another
note made by Captain Gregorio de Vidaña, a citizen of Manila; he was
a person very learned in manuscripts, who spent many years there,
and sought to inquire into the matter out of curiosity.

Four thousand four hundred bares of cloves, each bare containing 640
libras, amount to 2,816,000 libras--which at one ducado, the price
at which they are sold [in Europe] will bring the same number of
ducados. All this can be bought for a hundred thousand ducados. [55]
It is not bought with money, but with cloth purchased in India and in
China; and what in those countries costs ten is sold in the Malucas
at fifty. This profit is at present possessed by the Dutch, who buy
on the coast of Caramendel, and from the Chinese in Cochinchina and
Java, whence they take the merchandise which they trade for cloves
in Maluco. The nutmeg, according to Don Juan de Silva, is worth 500U
ducados, when transported to these parts.

The cloves gathered in the island of Ambueno amount to a great deal,
although I have no exact account of the quantity.

The pepper which is taken from Greater Java is much, although I
do not know the exact quantity. They likewise have a factory and a
treaty friendship with the king of Achen, in the island of Samatra,
where there is much merchandise. He is an enemy of ours, as well as
he who attacked Malaca in the year 16, and burned a galleon of the
four which were awaiting Don Juan de Silva. Soon afterward seven Dutch
galleons arrived to aid him, and burned the other three. Malaca is a
very important place, and it is very necessary that your Majesty should
preserve it, as it is the passage to all the kingdoms and districts
of that archipelago of San Laçaro, where there is so much wealth.




Chapter V. Of the expense incurred by your Majesty to maintain the
fortified posts of Tidore and Terrenate in the Malucas Islands.


I said in the second part of this relation that the reënforcements of
money and men which are brought from Nueva España to the Filipinas
were not to preserve those islands, but were occasioned by the war
with the Dutch. I shall now set down here a memorandum of the expenses
of those forts, without the many other requisites.


_Relation of the salaries and expenses which your Majesty has to pay
in the Malucas Islands_


                                                                  Pesos

A warden and commander of the troops, with two thousand
ducados of salary each year, which at eleven reals to the
ducado, makes 2757 pesos, 2 tomins, and 9 granos                  2U757

Seven captains of Spanish infantry, with 990 pesos of salary
a year, amounting to.                                             6U930

Seven alferezes of these companies, with 412 pesos, 4 tomins
of salary each per year.                                          2U887

Seven sergeants, with 206 pesos, 2 tomins, apiece each year,
amounting to.                                                     1U443

Fourteen drummers, at 171 pesos each per year, amounting to.      2U394

Seven fifers, at 165 pesos a year, amounting to.                  1U155

Seven shield-bearers, at 103 pesos each, amounting to.            0U721

Seven standard-bearers, at 115 pesos per year each,
amounting to.                                                     0U815

Two adjutant sargentos-mayor, with 412 pesos, 4 tomins,
each per year, amounting to.                                      0U825

A campaign captain, at 330 pesos of salary per year.              0U330

A captain of artillery, with a salary of 480 pesos per year.      0U480

A constable for land and sea, with 300 pesos per year.            0U300

Twenty artillerymen for land and sea, at 200 pesos each per
year, amounting to.                                               4U000

There are continually 600 soldiers, and at times more, seldom
less. These usually earn 115 pesos per year, amounting to
69U000 pesos.                                                    69U000

Of this number 140 are musketeers, who get 36 pesos each per
year beside their ordinary salary, amounting to 5040 pesos.       5U040

Thirty ducados of eleven reals each as extra pay to each
company each month, amounting to 2520 ducados, which makes
3465 pesos.                                                       3U465

Twenty-eight squadron leaders, with three pesos of extra pay
each month, amounting in a year to 1008 pesos.                    1U008

One accountant of the royal exchequer, with a salary of 800
pesos per year, and 50 fanégas of cleaned rice.                   0U800

One superintendent of supplies and munitions, with 500 pesos
of salary and rations.                                            0U500

One secretary of mines and registries, who serves on a salary
of a major official of the office of accounts, with 400 pesos;
and one minor official with 150, which amount to.                 0U550

Two secretaries, one of war and one of magazines, with
200 pesos apiece per year of salary, and rations for the
magazines secretary.                                              0U400

One engineer and one surgeon, with 600 pesos each year,
amounting to 1200 pesos.                                          1U200

Two Pampango captains, with 120 pesos; two ensigns, with 96
pesos; two sergeants, at 72 pesos; four drummers, two fifers,
two shield-bearers, two standard-bearers, at 48 pesos each;
and 200 soldiers, at 48 pesos of salary per year, amounting
to 10717 pesos.                                                  10U717

A Spanish smith, with a salary of 300 pesos per year, and one
Indian with 48 pesos; another, with 42 pesos; ten others,
with 30 pesos; one keeper of arquebuses with 42 pesos and
all his rations, which will be mentioned in their place,
amounting in money to 732 pesos                                   0U732

Two Spanish carpenters and 20 Indians--the Spaniards with
300 pesos each per year, and the 20 Indians at 48 pesos and
their rations--the money amounting to 1560 pesos                  1U560

One Spanish stonecutter, with 300 pesos; and twelve Indians
at 24 pesos, amounting yearly to 588 pesos                        0U588

Two calkers and one cooper, Spaniards, at 300 pesos each per
year, amounting to 900 pesos                                      0U900

A hundred Indian pioneers, at 48 pesos each per year and
rations, amounting to 4800 pesos                                  4U800

An alguazil of the royal exchequer, at 150 pesos per year         0U150

Ten religious, of the Society of Jesus and the Order of
St. Francis, and the vicar, at 100 pesos; and thirty fanégas
of rice each, the money amounting to 1000 pesos                   1U000

Commander, captains, pilot, masters, and other officials of
the two galleys, besides rations, have each year in salaries
5643 pesos, 4 tomins                                              5U643

Four substitutes, [56] who are about the person of the governor
of those islands, at 30 ducados of eleven reals per month each,
amounting each year to                                            1U980

Each year presents are taken to the king, his son, and the
chiefs, worth 2000 pesos                                          2U000

The hospitals expend each year in medicines, food, cloth,
and service more than 10000 pesos                                10U000

There must be used powder, balls, iron, steel, pikes and
boats for minor service, costing for their manufacture or
construction more than 10000 pesos                               10U000

The expenses of the vessels which bring reënforcements; the
galleys which are kept there; the salaries of the captains,
pilots, masters, officers, and sailors; the careening; and
other smaller expenses for their construction and voyages,
amount each year to more than 40000 pesos                        40U000

A purveyor, who is present in the province of Pintados,
earns each year 700 pesos of salary; and there are
others--commissioners, a storekeeper, and a secretary--in
all amounting to 1300 pesos per year                              1U300

The rice, wine, meat, fish, vegetables, and other minor
articles used by the persons who are supplied with rations--as
are the sailors, artillerymen, carpenters, smiths, pioneers,
commanders, and rowers of the galleys; the religious, and
others--will amount in Terrenate to more than twenty thousand
pesos per year                                                   20U000


                                                                218U372


Beside what has been mentioned, attention must be given to what has
been spent on the fleets which have been collected since the year
one thousand six hundred and six, when Don Pedro de Acuña recovered
it--both in ships and on casting [of artillery], soldiers' hire,
and that which has been lost at different times, which has amounted
to a large sum each year; and little or no income has been secured
from the Malucas, for in nine years they have not brought in 20U
pesos. This has been due to negligence; for if there had been
a faithful administrator posted there, and his accounts had been
audited, and affairs had been orderly and regular (as they are with
the enemy), your Majesty might have secured [sufficient] profit to
maintain those forces without expending anything from your royal
exchequer, as you now do. The same argument applies from now on. On
this account it is very important to your royal service either that
correction be applied to this, or that some means be considered,
which it does not appear to me expedient to place in this relation, to
spare your Majesty so great an expense. When those islands are secure
from the Dutch enemy, your Majesty will suffer no expense, and will
be able to further the working of the above-mentioned mines which lie
near Manila. From them, with the favor of God, so great wealth may be
looked for as will suffice to clear your Majesty from debt, and this
can be accomplished in no other way; for with the ordinary practice,
which has prevailed thus far, there is no more hope than for a sick
man declared past recovery, to whom the physicians give no remedies,
and whom they declare to be at the end of his life.






Bibliographical Data


The documents of the present volume are from various sources (all
manuscript except No. 9). The following are from the Archivo general
de Indias, Sevilla:

1. _Reforms needed_--See Bibliographical Data, _Vol_. XVIII, No. 12.

2. _Decrees ordering reforms of religious_.--"Audiencia de Filipinas;
registros de oficios y partes; reales ordenes dirigidas á las
autoridades y particulares del distrito de la Audiencia; años 1605
á 1645; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 12."

3. _Compulsory  service_.--"Simancas--Eclesiastico; Audiencia de
Filipinas; cartas y expedientes de religiosos misioneros de Filipinas
vistos en el Consejo; años 1617 á 1642; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 38."

4. _Letter from Audiencia_.--"Simancas--Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas
cartas y expedientes del presidente y oydores de dicha Audiencia
vistos en al Consejo; años 1607 á 1626; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 20."

5. _Letter from Fajardo_.--"Simancas--Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas;
cartas y expedientes del gobernador de Filipinas vistos en el Consejo;
años 1600 á 1628; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 7."

The following are obtained from MSS. in the Real Academia de la
Historia, Madrid; all are in the collection "Papeles de los Jesuitas:"

6. _Letter to Escovar_.--"Tomo 129, num. 153."

7. _Relation of 1619-20_.--"Tomo 112, num. 55."

The following is from the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid:

8. _Letter to Fajardo_.--"Cedulario Indico, tomo 38, folio 101,
núm. 80."

9. _Memorial, y relacion para sv magestad_ (Madrid, 1621), by Hernando
de los Rios Coronel.--This is translated and synopsized from the copy
in the Library of Congress.





Appendix: Buying and Selling Prices of Oriental Products


[The first list of prices that follows is from a compilation by the
procurator of the Philippines, Martin Castaños, and is taken from a
relation of Governor Juan de Silva entitled:]

_Relation of the importance of the Filipinas and Terrenate_

The Malucas Islands yield from year to year four thousand four
hundred bars of cloves. Each bar is six hundred and forty libras. If
his Majesty would make himself master of this, as well as of the
nutmeg and mace, and establish his factories--in Yndia, in Ormuz,
[57] for the nations who come from all Asia to trade for it; and in
Lisboa, for Europa and the Yndias--it would be worth [from one year
to another?] three million seven hundred pesos at the least, as I
reckon it; because in India each libra of cloves is worth at Ormuz
one peso, and in Lisboa a greater sum, while in the West Yndias it
is worth more than two pesos. [58] Averaging them all together, it
will be equivalent to ten reals per libra, which will amount to three
million five hundred and twenty thousand pesos.... It will cost his
Majesty to buy the cloves, in cloth, silks, and other things which
the natives value, eighty thousand pesos; while the navigation and
the pay of the factors will amount to one hundred and twenty thousand,
all amounting to two hundred and thirty thousand pesos. Consequently,
there will be a clear profit on the cloves of three million two
hundred and ninety thousand pesos.

The nutmegs and mace when delivered in Europa cost the Dutch
five hundred and twenty thousand pesos annually. The purchase,
navigation, and [pay of] factors amount to one hundred and ten
thousand pesos. Consequently, the net gain on the nutmeg and mace is
four hundred and ten thousand pesos. That added to the profit of the
cloves amounts to three million seven hundred thousand pesos.

His Majesty can make a profit of two millions annually on the silks
of China in this way--that a ship of two hundred toneladas' burden go
each year with the ships from Filipinas to Nueva España, with these
silks, which cost the following prices.

One thousand picos of spun and raw silk of Changuei, [59] each pico
containing one hundred and thirty libras, and costing two hundred
pesos, amount to two hundred thousand pesos.

Ten thousand pieces of Canton satin, at a cost of five pesos, amount
to fifty thousand pesos.

Ten thousand pieces of damask, at four pesos, amount to forty
thousand pesos.

Twenty thousand pieces of gorgoran, at a cost of one and one-half
pesos, amount to thirty thousand pesos.

Thirty thousand varas of velvet in colors, at one-half peso, amount
to fifteen thousand pesos.

These silks cost three hundred and thirty-five thousand pesos. They
will, with the condescension of his Majesty, be taken to Perú (as is
done, that other silks of China may not be taken from Nueva España),
and are sold at Lima at the following prices.

Each libra of silk of the quality named in the first item, at fifteen
pesos, the one thousand picos amounting to one million nine hundred
and fifty thousand pesos.

Each piece of Canton satin at fifty pesos, the ten thousand pieces
amounting to five hundred thousand pesos.

Each piece of damask at forty pesos, the ten thousand pieces amounting
to four hundred thousand pesos.

Each piece of gorgoran at ten pesos, the twenty thousand pieces
amounting to two hundred thousand pesos.

Each vara of velvet at four pesos, the thirty thousand varas amounting
to one hundred and twenty thousand pesos.

Taking from this amount the three hundred and thirty-five thousand
pesos that those goods cost in China, and eight hundred and thirty-five
thousand pesos for the cost of factors and of navigation, and whatever
else their handling may cost, there is a net gain of two million pesos.

In that way his Majesty can obtain every year from Filipinas five
million seven hundred thousand pesos net, after deducting the entire
cost.

[The following list is from an undated memorial of probably the
early seventeenth century which treats of the merchandise that the
Portuguese were wont to take from China to Japan. The memorial first
defines the value of certain coins and weights and measures.]

First, the _tae_ is equivalent to a ducado of ten reals of gold or
silver; a _maz_ is equal to one of our reals. One _maz_ is equivalent
to ten _conderins_; each _conderin_ being valued at six maravedis,
is divided into ten _caxes_, each _cax_ [_i.e.,_ cash] being a round
brass coin half the size of a half cuarto [60] pierced with four
holes, and with certain characters around the edge. One hundred of
them make one maz; and it is the only coin that is stamped with a die,
for all the others circulate by weight.

_Ranquel_ are ten pieces of plate or crockery-ware.

_Pico_ is equivalent to one quintal, but has one arroba more than
ours. _Cate_ is a weight of twenty onzas.

The ship of the Portuguese carries from five to six hundred picos
of white untwisted silk. It costs at Canton eighty taes per pico
delivered in Macan, and is sold in Xapon for one hundred and forty
or one hundred and fifty taes.

Laden with _retros_ (the fine red silk), of four or five hundred picos
of all colors, at a cost of one hundred and forty taes, it is sold
in Xapon at three hundred and seventy and sometimes four hundred taes.

The common assorted _retros_ costs from fifty-five to sixty taes
in Canton, according to its quality, and is sold in Xapon for one
hundred taes.

The silk of the _darca_, of all colors, is worth forty taes in Canton,
and is sold by the libra in Xapon at nine maçes per cate.

The said ship will also carry from one thousand seven hundred to
two thousand pieces of a certain silk worked with birds, and other
pictures done in silk and unwoven silver. [61] Each piece is worth up
to eleven maçes, and the fine ones up to fourteen. They have seven,
eight, and nine gaxos, and they are sold in Xapon for about two and
one-half or three taes apiece.

It will take three or four thousand taes of gold. The tae of common
gold is worth about four or five maçes per tae, and it is sold in
Xapon for seven taes and eight maçes.

Fine gold is worth in Canton six taes six maçes, and seven taes per
tae of common gold. It is sold in Xapon for eight taes and three maçes.

Moreover, two picos of musk will be taken. It costs eight reals
per cate in Canton, and is sold in Xapon at fifteen and sixteen,
according to its quality.

It will carry about five hundred picos of white lead. It costs at
Canton two taes and seven maces per pico; and, delivered at Macan,
three. It is sold in Xapon for six and one-half and seven taes. The
Japanese use a considerable quantity of it.... It is brought refined
from there and is carried by way of Yndia to Portugal, where each
ba[r?] is worth six [maçes?] seven conderins.

The ship will carry, moreover, two hundred or three hundred picos
of cotton thread. It costs seven taes per pico delivered in Macan,
and is sold in Xapon for sixteen, seventeen, and eighteen.

It will carry three thousand _çangalas_ [_i.e._, pieces of buckram],
which are pieces of cotton, most of them white, while the rest
are black and in colors. They cost various prices, the large pieces
costing twenty-eight taes per hundred. It is sold in Xapon at fifty and
fifty-four taes per hundred. These çangalas are made of cotton. Those
from Lanquin [_i.e._, Nankin], which are half cotton and half raw
silk, are worth one tae three maçes per piece of ten varas. Other
smaller ones cost twelve taes per hundred in Canton, and are sold in
Xapon for twenty-three and twenty-four. The red ones cost eight and
one-half taes, and are sold for sixteen and seventeen taes.

The ship will carry one hundred and fifty or two hundred picos of
quicksilver. It costs forty taes at Canton, and fifty-three delivered
at Macan. It is sold in Xapon for ninety and ninety-two, and at times
for less than ninety.

It will also carry two thousand picos of lead, at a cost of three
taes per pico delivered in Macan. It is sold in Xapon for six taes
four maçes, and the money doubled.

It will also carry five or six hundred picos of tin. I do not remember
its buying or its selling price.

It will carry besides five or six hundred picos of China-wood, [62]
at a cost per pico of one tae or twelve maçes. It is sold for four
or five taes in Xapon, and the money doubled.

It will carry about two thousand ranquels of crockery-ware at the
very least. These goods are bought in Canton at many prices, and the
money doubled two or three times in Xapon.

It will carry one hundred picos of rhubarb, which costs two and
one-half taes, and is sold for five, thus doubling the money.

It will also carry one hundred and fifty picos of licorice. It costs
delivered in Macan three taes per pico, and is sold in Xapon for nine
or ten taes per pico, thus tripling the money.

It will also carry about sixty or seventy picos of white sugar. It
costs fifteen maçes per pico, and is sold in Xapon for three and four
and one-half taes. However, little of it is used, and the Japanese
prefer the black. The latter kind costs from four to six maçes in
Macan, and is sold for four, five, or six taes per pico in Xapon. It
forms an excellent merchandise, and the ship will carry one hundred
and fifty or two hundred picos of it.

The captain of the ship will ask, for carrying the silk, ten per cent;
and in order that the freight on the remainder of the merchandise may
not be raised, five hundred dead taes are given him, besides sixty
picos sold at its value there per pico. That which is sold, and all
the bulk of the silk that is unsold, and the five hundred taes are
given him beforehand; while on the other merchandise mentioned above
he is given ten per cent.

The said ship takes, on its return to Yndia, the aforesaid merchandise
of loose white silk--one thousand picos at the abovesaid prices. They
are sold in Yndia at about two hundred cruzados [63] per pico.

It will carry about ten or twelve thousand pieces of silk damasks
and taffetas of all shades, bought at different prices. The common
price of the fine pieces of damask is five taes, and the very fine,
six and seven; and the pieces are four varas long. There are also
some at four taes. These damasks are also sold at various prices. The
greater part of them are sold among the natives. The same is to be
said of the pieces of taffeta as to their purchase and sale.

It will carry three or four picos of gold, bought in the manner
aforesaid. A profit of eighty or ninety per cent is also made on this
among the natives.

It will carry five or six hundred picos of wrought and unwrought
brass. The money invested in this is doubled. It is used among the
natives.

It will carry six or seven picos of musk, which is used by the people
of the country. The money will be gained once and a half over.

It will carry one hundred picos of quicksilver, which will gain
seventy or eighty per cent.

It will carry five hundred picos of vermilion, which will gain as
much as the quicksilver.

It will carry two or three [hundred?] picos of sugar, and the money
will be gained once and a half over.

It will carry one or two thousand picos of China-wood, the money
invested for which will be increased two or three times.

It will carry two thousand picos of brass bracelets, which cost five
taes six maçes, and seven taes per pico delivered in Machan. The
money is doubled. They are used in Bengala.

It will carry about two hundred picos of camphor, which goes to
Portugal.

It carries a considerable quantity of earthenware of all sorts. The
money is gained once and a half over.

It carries a great number of gilded beds, tables, and writing desks.

Much fine colored unwoven silk. It costs eighteen and nineteen maçes
and two taes per cate. Some of the gilded beds are generally sold for
three or four hundred cruzados. It carries many coverlets worked on
frames; canopies, bed-curtains, and hangings; short cloaks of the
same handiwork, made by the same Chinese; besides other trifles,
and many gold chains exquisitely wrought.

The Portuguese pay duties at Malaca of seven and one-half per cent
on the merchandise which they carry from China, without selling or
unloading anything in that city.

They pay two or three thousand cruzados at Zeylao [_i.e._, Ceylon]
for the support of the garrison stationed there. For that purpose
two or three fustas go to the ship and take it, in spite of itself,
to the port, whence it does not sail until it pays that sum. The
reason given by the captain of that fort is, that the viceroy of Goa
discounts that money from the duties. The same is done with the ships
which come from Bengala, as well as from all other parts from which it
is necessary to pass that island (which is the island for cinnamon)
in order to get to Goa. They pay eight and one-half per cent at Goa,
both for entrance and for clearance; and the same is true at Malaca,
going and coming to [India?] But they do not pay in [Macan?] because
they return thither.

When the ship sails from Goa to China, it carries silver in money
and in wrought pieces (as I saw), of these two or three thousand;
ivory, velvet from España and other places, and fine scarlet cloth
[_grana_]; one hundred and fifty or two hundred pipes of wine; about
six other pipes of oil; also olives, and capers. One is surprised
at the cheapness of these things in Machan since they are brought
from España to Goa, and thence to China, a distance of more than one
thousand leguas. What most surprised me was to see that a cuarto
of wine is worth one real, which is about its worth in Lisboa. A
jar of oil at eight or ten reals, or at the most twelve, is worth at
Machan when it comes from España five, six, or eight pesos per botija,
counting eight reals to the peso. A cuartillo of wine at four reals,
is sold at little or nothing. The Portuguese say that they do not
care to make their principal good in China, but to invest in China,
as their interest lies in the investment.

Ivory is sold to the Chinese at fifty taes per pico for the white
and even ivory. It is understood that this must be in exchange for
other merchandise, and not for money or silver; for silver that enters
China does not go out again except in merchandise.

Velvet costs six or seven cruzados per codo in Goa. The codo is a
palmo less than our vara. It is sold among the Portuguese at Machan
for seven or eight taes, according to its quality.

Grana costs five or six cruzados per codo at Goa, and even seven
and eight.

A pipe of wine is generally worth forty or fifty cruzados at Goa,
and the fine and good wines ninety-five. However, the latter is not
taken to China; and that of the first-named price is sold in Machan,
where it is worth eighty or ninety cruzados per pipe.

One million of gold and upward enters China yearly through the
Portuguese alone.

The Portuguese pay anchorage at Machan according to the beam and
length of their ships, and whether they enter light or laden. The
length is measured from the mizzenmast to the bow, and the beam from
edge to edge. According as the ship is larger or smaller it pays. The
[standard of] measure is one _caña_, and so much is paid for each
measure. Consequently, a ship of three hundred toneladas will pay
three or four thousand taes of silver. The Portuguese formerly paid
the said anchorage in brasil-wood and in other merchandise which
they carried; but for two or three years past they have had to pay
it in silver. They do not like that as well as the other method. If,
perchance, the ships have to lay up for the winter, even if they are
the ships of the inhabitants of Machan themselves, they have to pay
without any remission.



_Memorandum of the retail selling prices of wares in Canton_


The tae of fine gold is equivalent to seven of silver. One cate of musk
is sold for eight taes. Raw silk at eight taes per pico. The contrary
kind, or twisted silk [_sirguin_], which is the best of the country,
one hundred taes per pico. Good pieces of damask, seven taes; a piece
contains fourteen varas. Other pieces of common silk, ten varas for
one tae three maçes. Vermilion, forty taes per pico. Copper, seven and
eight taes [per pico]. Quicksilver, forty taes per pico. Herd-bells,
eight maçes per pico. White lead, two and one-half and three taes per
pico. Cotton, eight taes per pico. Fine powdered vermilion, seventy
maçes per cate. One ranquel of fine porcelain, one tae two maçes;
fine dishes, fifteen maçes per ranquel. Large fine dishes, five maçes
apiece. Medium quality earthenware is worth one and one-half maçes
per ranquel, both chinaware [_porcelana_] and dishes. Fine pieces
of taffeta of all colors, from Lanquin, each piece containing about
twelve codos, are worth two and one-half and three taes. Large pieces
of certain damasks, which contain sixteen varas, are worth twelve
taes at the least and fifteen at the most. Common earthenware is
worth less than one real per ranquel, either dishes or jars. Wheat
is worth four maces per pico, and eight in flour. Rice is worth
three and one-half and four maçes per pico. One cow is worth four
taes in Macan. One pico of flour, delivered in Macan, one tae two
maçes. Pork is worth two taes in Macan and one and one-half taes in
Canton, per pico. Fowls, two taes per pico. One pico of salt fish,
two taes and more--or less, according to the fish. Two cates of fresh
fish, one conderin. One pico of sugar, two taes, or, at the least,
one and one-half taes. One pico of the finest iron, which resembles
a _manteca_ [64] is worth two taes, and in nails two and one-half,
and three taes. One pico of Chinese camphor is worth ten taes. One
pico of cinnamon, three taes. Rhubarb, at two, two and one-half, and
three taes; and there is an infinite amount of it in China. Pieces
of thin, fine silk, which contain about twenty varas, arc worth three
and one-half and four taes. Red silk headdresses for women, four and
five maçes apiece. One pico of licorice, two and one-half taes. One
pico of China-wood, at eight maçes, and one tae.

The merchandise brought by the Portuguese in their ships from the
districts where they trade and traffic is as follows.

First, they carry from Malaca to Goa a great quantity of cloves,
nutmeg, and mace; also tin--which is the finest that is obtained from
those parts, and which they also carry to China, for the tin of that
country is not so fine. They carry tortoise-shell and many pearls.

From Zeylao, a great quantity of cinnamon, the finest of diamonds,
and other precious gems.

From Bengala, abundance of very fine cotton; quantities of sugar and
rock sulphur; and a quantity of rice--for which, if it were not for
Bengala, Yndia would suffer.

From Moçambique, ivory and brasil-wood.

From Ormuz, which is in Persia, they bring excellent horses, and very
fine carpets; many larins, [65] each one a trifle smaller than one
of our reals; many clusters of dates; camlets, [66] and many agras;
and benecianos, [67] each of which is worth about one of our escudos
of eleven reals.

From the kingdom of Pegu, they carry a quantity of fine lac in loaves,
and other things.

From Siam, excellent silver, and arquebus-balls; much and very fine
benzoin; almond cakes; a quantity of oil of ginger, and of cocoa,
and brasil-wood; lead; and a quantity of rice.

From Conchinchina, aguila-wood, [68] and another wood called
_calambac_, [69] which is very valuable. It is black and contains
oil, and is worth fifty cruzados among the Portuguese; while in its
own kingdom, it passes weight for weight with silver. [The ship also
carries] lead, pepper, and some yellow silk.

From the kingdom of Champa is brought the abovesaid wood, and it is
even finer than that of Conchinchina. They carry another kind of black
wood from which the Chinese make certain little sticks one cuarto
[_i.e._, one-fourth vára?] long with which they eat. This kingdom
has nothing else [to trade].

From Cambay, they bring the finest incense that those districts
furnish. It is worth three taes per pico. They bring it from Far,
which is Arabia the Blest [_la Felice_], and also from the island of
Samatra, which the Portuguese call by another name Dachen.

From Timor, white sandal wood, which grows in no other part, while
they bring the red from Santo Tome.

From Borney they bring camphor, which is the best which is usually
found. It passes in its own kingdom weight for weight with silver. They
also bring a great quantity of wood of the same tree for tables and
writing desks, and it is very beautiful and sweet-smelling.

From the islands of Ternate, Tidore, and three or four others, the
spice of the clove.

From the island of Banda, and from other islands, nutmeg and mace. From
the same island they bring certain very beautiful birds which have no
feet or claws. They have a very long tail with very beautiful feathers,
and resemble young herons.

From Xapon a great quantity of silver; [abundance?] of tunny-fish;
certain catans (which resemble cutlasses, and are very large), and
daggers wrought very richly in gold; and other things.

From Sunda and many other places they bring various other articles. The
Spaniards take from the Philipinas many pieces of cotton of very
fine quality, and many pieces of various-colored damask; all kinds
of taffeta, in greater or less quantity; much spun and loose silk of
all colors; a great quantity of earthenware--which, together with the
silk, is all brought to Manila by the Chinese themselves, who also
bring a great amount of gold, wrought and unwrought, and of different
carats. The following are the names of the gold in the Philipinas
and their carats: first, gold of _ariseis_, of twenty-three carats
three granos, and worth per tae in the said islands, nine eight-real
pesos; gold of _guinogulan_, of twenty carats, worth seven pesos;
gold of _orejeras_, of eighteen or nineteen carats, and worth five and
one-half pesos per tae; gold of _linguin_, of fourteen or fourteen
and one-half carats, and worth four or four and one-half pesos;
gold of _bislin_, of nine or nine and one-half carats, and worth
three pesos; gold of _malubay_, of six or six and one-half carats,
and worth one and one-half and two pesos. [70]






NOTES

[1] The twelve-year truce between the States-General and Spain,
signed in 1608.

[2] This squadron was sent for the succor of the Philippines,
in December, 1619; but soon after its departure it encountered a
severe storm, which compelled the ships to take refuge in the port
of Cadiz. Learning of this, the royal Council sent imperative orders
for the ships to depart on their voyage; the result was that they
were driven ashore and lost on the Andalusian coast, January 3, 1620,
with the loss of one hundred and fifty lives. Among the dead was Fray
Hernando de Moraga, O.S.F., who had come to Spain some time before to
ask aid for the Philippine colony and the missions there. A council
assembled by the king, after discussing the matter, recommended that
Spain abandon the islands as costly and profitless; Moraga's entreaties
induced the king to disregard this advice, and to send a fleet with
troops and supplies, in which embarked Moraga with thirty friars of
his order. See La Concepción's account, in _Hist. de Philipinas_, v,
pp. 474-479.

Another letter from Otaço, dated February 18, 1620, says: "There
has been a very heated discussion (which still continues) regarding
aid for the Philipinas, between the lords of the Council and all the
procurators and agents of those islands."

[3] Translated: "[This blow upon us], beyond measure, still we are
the Lord's and He is just, and His judgment is upright."

[4] So in the MS., but apparently a copyist's error for Leatum, the
form given in later pages; apparently a phonetic blunder for Liao-tung,
the name of the province where the contest between Russia and Japan
is now centered (May, 1904).

[5] W. Winterbotham gives, in his _View of the Chinese Empire_
(London, 1796), ii, pp. 6-8, an interesting account of the "mandarins
of letters," the chief nobility of the empire. He says: "There are
only two ranks in China, the nobility and the people, but the former
is not hereditary ... China contains about fifteen thousand mandarins
of letters, and a still greater number who aspire to that title
... To arrive at this degree, it is necessary to pass through several
others; such as that of Batchelor (_sie_, or _tsai_), of licentiate
(_kiu-gin_), and of doctor (_tsing-tssëe_). The two first, however,
are only absolutely necessary; bur even those on whom the third is
conferred obtain for a time only the government of a city of the second
or third class. There are eight orders of [these] mandarins ... In
short, the whole administration of the Chinese empire is entrusted
to the mandarins of letters."

[6] Referring to the Manchu chief Noorhachu (see _Vol_. XVIII,
note 63).  His grandfather was named Huen.

[7] Gabriel de Matos was born at Vidigueira, Portugal, in 1572, and
entered the Jesuit order at the age of sixteen. He spent twenty years
in the Japan missions, and later was provincial of Malabar; and he
filed in January, 1633, either at Cochin or at Macao (according to
differing authorities).

[8] Nicolas Trigault was born at Douai, France, in 1577, and became
a Jesuit novice when seventeen years old. As a student, he made
a specialty of Oriental languages, and in 1610 entered the China
mission, of which he was long in charge--meanwhile becoming versed
in Chinese history and literature, concerning which, as well as the
Jesuit missions there, Trigault wrote various books and memoirs. He
died November 14, 1628, at either Nanking or Hang-tcheou.

[9] Matheo de Curos was born at Lisbon in 1568, and became a Jesuit
when fifteen years old; three years later, he left Europe for Japan,
where during many years he occupied high positions in his order. He
died at Fuscimo (Fushimi?), October 29, 1633.

[10] _Dairi_ ("the great interior"), an appellation of the mikado
of Japan, also of his palace in the city of Kiôto (anciently called
Miako), The temple referred to is the Daibutsu ("great Buddha"),
located not far from the palace. See Rein's _Japan_, pp. 442-470,
for account of Buddhism and other religions in Japan, and description
and plan of Kiôto.

[11] Cf. _Jesuit Relations_, (Cleveland reissue) xxvii, p. 311,
and xxxv, p. 277 (and elsewhere), for mention of these helpers
(Fr. _dogiques_) in the Jesuit missions of New France.

[12] Probably referring to St. Francis Xavier, who had been, seventy
years before, so prominent a missionary in Japan and India. The word
"saint," however, is here used by anticipation, as Xavier was not
canonized at the time of this document. That ceremony was performed,
for both Xavier and Ignatius de Loyola, on March 12, 1622; they had
been beautified on July 27, 1609.

[13] The two Latin phrases read thus in English respectively: "in
the bowels of Jesus Christ," and "that I may be counted worthy of
suffering reproach [or ignominy] for the name of Jesus."

[14] This is a reference to the celebrated scholastic Duns Scotus.

[15] The text reads thus: _Junto al estandarte que lleuoua el Pe
Guardian yba un fraile lego llamado fr. Junipero y es tenido por sto_
sencillo como el otro vaylando y diciendo mil frialdades a lo diuino.

[16] The Order of Theatins was founded in 1524, by St. Cajetan of
Chieti or Teate (whence Theatinus) and three others, one of whom later
became Pope Paul IV. Their vows were very strict, for they were even
forbidden to solicit alms. They were the first congregation in the
Church of regular clerics or canons regular (_clerici regulares_
or _canonici regulares_). On account of the early renown for piety
which they acquired, it became usual to style any devout person a
Theatino or Chietino. They were also sometimes called Tolentines,
from the name of their principal church dedicated to St. Nicholas of
Tolentine. Their dress being similar to that of the Jesuits, they
were through ignorance often mistaken for them. The term was also
applied to some of the Jesuits who had been in Florida and afterward
went to Manila; to the Jesuit missionaries in Japan; and to the first
Jesuits in the Philippines. Paul IV wished to unite his order with the
Jesuits, but his request was not acceded to by St. Ignatius Loyola. The
Theatins were never widely known outside of Italy.--The editors are
indebted for this note to Revs. José Algué, S.J., Manila Observatory,
E.I. Devitt, S.J., Georgetown College, and T.C. Middleton, O.S.A.,
Villanova College. See also Addis and Arnold's _Catholic Dict._,
pp. 792, 793.

[17] The preachers of Charles V said to the Council of the Indias,
in speaking of the repartimiento system in America: "We hold that
this most great sin will be the cause of the total destruction of
the state of Spain, if God does not alter it, or we do not amend it
ourselves." See Helps's _Spanish Conquest_, ii, p. 56.

[18] St. John's day is June 26, and St. Peter's June 29.

[19] Span., _La puso en el cofrecillo secreto del acuerdo_; literally
"placed it in the secret drawer of the assembly."

[20] In 1621, the flagship of which Fernando Centeno was commander,
"Nuestra Señora de la Vida," was wrecked in Isla Verde. See Colin,
_Labor evangélica_, p. 159.

[21] One may see in this and subsequent marginal notes of this nature,
in this and in other documents, the possible working of the Spanish
government offices. The memoranda thus made on the margins of the
document by the council or government representative in the king's
name, evidently formed the basis of the various decrees and orders
despatched to the colonies, in regard to points brought out in
the document that needed legislation. The document would probably
be then turned over to the clerk or notarial secretary, who would
have the decrees filled out properly, and in the stereotyped form,
from these memoranda. Lastly, they would receive the king's signature
(_rubrica_). Each of the marginal notes on this and other documents,
when made by king or council, is generally accompanied by a rubrica,
which attests its legality. These notes often consist of two distinct
parts, one of matter to be addressed to the governor, in which the
second person is used; the other, directions to clerks in regard
to what should be done on points called up in the document. These
distinct parts have each their rubricas.

[22] See this note at end of the document, p. 167.

[23] See this note, _post_, p. 168.

[24] See _Vol_. XII, pp. 53, 54, "four hundred short toneladas of
the Northern Sea, which amount to three hundred [of the Southern Sea]."

[25] See this note, _post_, p. 169.

[26] The report of this expedition, which was effected, will be given
later, in a document of 1624.

[27] See a further note to this section, _post_, p. 171.

[28] See a further note on this section, _post_, p. 171.

[29] The reservation signifies that absolution from the said
censure is reserved exclusively to a superior, as the prior of a
convent, a provincial, or general, or even to the supreme pontiff
himself. See Addis and Arnold's _Catholic Dict._, pp. 135, and 717
and 718.--_Rev. T.C. Middleton_, O.S.A.

[30] The original reads "_despues_" ("since"), but the sense seems
to require "_antes_" ("before").

[31] An account of this expedition will be presented in a later
document.

[32] The words lacking in the above, due to the dilapidation of the
MS., render it impossible to translate this passage clearly.

[33] Cf. the three documents (1619-20) by Coronel, on "Reforms
needed in the Filipinas," begun in _Vol_. XVIII, and concluded in
this volume. Felipe III died on March 31, 1621, and was succeeded by
his son, Felipe IV, to whom this "Memorial" is now addressed.

[34] That is, "those who had come by a round-about way."

[35] Various MSS. by Alonso Sanchez are to be found in the archives
of different countries, and will be mentioned in the bibliographical
volume of this series.

[36] See, however, Morga's account of this in _Vol_. XV, pp. 79-92. See
Morga also for a full account of the Camboja expeditions.

[37] Thus in the original. A marginal pen correction in faded ink, in
the copy from which we translate, reads 608. The _Cedulario Indico_,
consisting of forty-one manuscript volumes of decrees, for the various
parts of the Indias, which is preserved in the Archivo Historico
Nacional in Madrid, contains a number of decrees of 1608 in regard
to the ships from the Philippines.

[38] The decree was of course granted by Felipe II, "your" being used
merely as a set phrase to indicate the royal source of the decree.

[39] See _Vol_. XVI, p. 60, note 31.

[40] April 25, 1610, the fight with Wittert, _q.v._ _Vol_. XVII.

[41] See an account of his voyage in _Vol_. XVII.

[42] Thus in the original, but evidently an error for "Chinese."

[43] _Cuatralbo_: the commander of four galleys.

[44] Translated: "The earth is the Lord's and the fulness thereof:
the world, and all they that dwell therein" (Ps. xxiv, v. 1).

[45] In the margin is written, in an ancient hand: "For the singular
veneration which the archduke of Borgoña showed to the most holy
sacrament of the eucharist."

[46] Thus in the text (_comprar_); but the context would suggest that
this was a slip for "sell."

[47] In this connection may be cited the following statement from
Sawyer's _Inhabitants of the Philippines_, p. 129: "The great wealth
of the Archipelago is undoubtedly to be found in the development of
its agriculture. Although the Central and Ilocan Mountains in Luzon
and parts of Mindanao are rich in gold, it is the fertile land,
the heavy rainfall and the solar heat, that must be utilized to
permanently enrich the country. The land is there and the labour is
there, and all that is wanting is capital, and a settled government
... The sun, the rain, the soil, and the hardy Philippine farmer
will do the rest--a population equal to that of Java could live in
affluence in the Philippines."

See also Sawyer's remarks (pp. 145-152) on gold and gold-mining in
the islands.

[48] See the document, "Expeditions to Tuy," at end of _Vol_. XIV.

[49] The Augustinian Fray Miguel Garcia Serrano.

[50] An ancient Spanish coin, which in the time of Ferdinand and
Isabella was worth 14 reals 14 maravedis of silver; but its value
varied in subsequent reigns. See the work of Fray Liciniano Saez,
_Monedas que corrian en Castilla durante el reynado del Sr. D. Enrique
IV_ (published by the Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid, 1805),
pp. 408-426.

[51] In Spain the name _cinamomo_ is popularly given to the _Melia
acedarak_; but now in Manila that name is applied to a species of
_Lausonia, L. inermis_. This latter grows in Arabia and Egypt, and
is cultivated in Europe; it is there called _alchena_ or _alhena_,
and its root is employed as a cosmetic by the Turks, and a paste of
its leaves, known as _henna_, is used by them to dye the teeth or
hair. See Blanco's _Flora_ (ed. 1845), pp. 206, 241.

[52] Probably referring to the springs at Jigabo, province of Albay,
the waters of which carry in solution a gelatinous silica, which
is quickly incrusted on any object placed therein. See _Report_
of U.S. Philippine Commission, 1900, iii, p. 222.

[53] The "geometrical pace" is, in English measure, roughly
estimated at five feet; in Spanish measure, according to Los Rios's
reckoning--the tercia (or "third"), being one-third of a vara, is
equivalent to 11.128 English inches--the geometrical pace would be
55.64 English inches. The length of the wall, accordingly, would be
a little less than two English miles.

[54] Of this name Crawfurd says (_Dict. Indian Islands_, p. 283):
"The collective name, which the Portuguese write Maluca, and is
correctly Maluka, is equally unknown, although said to be that of a
place and people of the island of Gilolo. No such name is, at present,
known to exist in that island ... All that De Barros tells us of the
name is, that it is a collective one for all the islands." He cites
(pp. 101, 102) various names for the clove that are current in the
Indian islands, and some found in early writers but among them is
none resembling Maluca.

[55] See the detailed description of the clove tree, its product,
the mode of gathering cloves, their properties, and the extent of
the trade in this spice in _Recueil des voiages Comp. des Indes
Orientales_, i, pp. 503-507. The price at which the Dutch bought
cloves from the natives (in 1599) is there stated at fifty-four reals
of eight. The extent of the crop is thus stated: "According to what
the inhabitants of Ternate say, the Molucca Islands produce annually
the following quantity of cloves: the islands of Ternate and Tidore,
each 1,000 bares; Bassian Island, 2,000 bares; and Motier Island,
600 or 700 bares." Crawfurd says (_Dict. Indian Islands_, p. 503):
"In England, before the discovery of the passage by the Cape of Good
Hope, a pound of cloves cost 30_s._, or 168_l._ per cwt."

[56] Spanish, _entretenidos_; persons who were performing certain
duties, in hope of obtaining permanent positions, or waiting for
vacancies to occur in certain posts.

[57] The ancient city of Ormuz was on the mainland, but was removed to
the opposite island, Jerún, because of repeated Tartar attacks. Its
fame almost rivaled that of Venice from the end of the thirteenth
to the seventeenth century. It was owned by the Portuguese during
1507-1622, when it was taken by Shah Abbas, with the aid of the English
East India Company. It was next to Goa the richest of Portuguese
possessions. See _Voyage of Pyrard de Laval_ (Hakluyt Society's
publications, London, 1888), ii, p. 238, notes 1 and 2.

[58] The editors of _Voyage of Pyrard de Laval_ (ii, p. 357, _note_)
say of the clove: "It is curious that this spice seems not to have
been known to the Romans, nor to any Europeans till the discovery of
the Moluccas by the Portuguese." Duarte Barbosa, in _East Africa and
Malabar_ (Stanley's trans., Hakluyt Society edition, London, 1866),
pp. 219-220, quotes cloves from Maluco as worth per bahar in Calicut
500 and 600 fanoes; and, when clean of husks and sticks, 700 fanoes,
19 fanoes being paid as export duty. At Maluco they were worth from one
to two ducats per bahar, and in Malacca as much as fourteen. Captain
John Saris (see Satow's edition of _Voyage of Capt. John Saris_,
Hakluyt Society publications, p. 33) bought cloves for "60 rials of
8 per Bahar of 200 Cattyes."

[59] See Satow's _Voyage of Capt. John Saris, ut supra_, pp. 224,
225, 228, 229, for names and prices of various kinds of silks.

[60] _Cuarto_: a copper coin worth four maravedis.

[61] Saris (_Voyage_, pp. 216, 225) mentions the following Chinese
goods: "Veluet Hangings imbroydered with gold, eighteene Rialls;
vpon Sattins, fourteene Rials." "Imbrodered Hangings, called Poey,
the best ten Rials the piece."

[62] Spanish, _palo de China_; also known as "China root;" the root
of _Smilax china_. It is not now used, but formerly had great repute
for the cure of venereal diseases as well as for gout. Linschoten has
a long account of its virtues and mode of use, in _Voyage_ (Hakluyt
Society's edition), ii, pp. 107-112; see also i, p. 239. Cf. Pyrard
de Laval's _Voyage_, i, p. 182.

[63] The cruzado was an old coin of Castilla and Portugal. The
Castilian coin was of gold, silver, or copper, and of different
values. The Portuguese coin, evidently the one of our text, was worth
ten reals de vellon in Spain. See _Dicc. nacional ... de la lengua
Española_ (Madrid, 1878).

[64] So in the copy which we follow. Literally translated this is
"butter," which causes doubt as to the correctness of the copy.

[65] The _larin_ was a silver coin that takes its name from the city
of Lar in Persia. It has been current in a number of eastern countries
and districts, among them Persia, the Maldives, Goa, and the Malabar
coast, Ceylon, and Kandy. It has gone out of circulation, although
the name is preserved in certain copper coins at the Maldives. The
ancient coin was of various shapes, that of the Maldives being about
as long as the finger and double, having Arabic characters stamped on
it; that of Ceylon resembled a fishhook: those of Kandy are described
as a piece of silver wire rolled up like a wax taper. When a person
wishes to make a purchase, he cuts off as much of this silver as
is equal in value to the price of the article. Its probably first
mention by an European writer occurs in the _Lembranças das Cousas de
India_ (_Subsidios_ iii, 53), in 1525, where the following table is
given: 2 fules = 1 dinar; 12 dinars = 1 tanga; 3 tangas 10 dinars =
1 new larin; 3 tangas 9 dinars = 1 old larin. At Cambaye (p. 38)
1 tanga larin = 60 reis, and 45 larins weighed 1 Portuguese marco,
or 50 grammes. Antonio Nunes (1554) in his _Livro dos Pesos_, says:
"At the port of Bengala, 80 couries = 1 pone; 48 pones = 1 larin. The
Portuguese marco of the time of João III, being equivalent to 2,500
reis, would make the larin worth 51,012 reis." Davy says that the
larin of Kandy was worth about 7d. in English currency. For detailed
information about the larin, see _Voyage of Pyrard de Laval, ut supra_,
i, p. 232 and note 2; and ii, p. 68.

[66] "Next, many watered camlets of Persia and Ormus, of all colours,
made of the wool of large sheep that have not curled fleeces like
ours. Of it they make also good store of cloaks and capes, called
by the Indians _Mansans_, and by the Portuguese 'Ormus _cambalis_;'
they are made of the same wool, in bands of different colours, each
four inches wide. Everyone takes these to sea for a protection from
the rain. The tissue is the same as of cloth." It was called "camlet,"
because made originally of camel's hair. See _ut supra_, ii, p. 240.

[67] The Venetian sequin, worth about 50 sols, which was silver money
and circulated at Goa. See _ut supra_, ii, p. 69.

[68] Crawfurd (_Dict. Indian Islands_) says that this is the
eagle-wood of commerce. Its name in Malay and Javanese is _kalambak_
or _kalambah_, but it is also known in these languages by that of
_gahru_, or _kayu-gahru_, gahru-wood, a corruption of the Sanscrit
_Agharu_. This sweet-scented wood has been used immemorially as an
incense throughout eastern countries, and was early introduced into
Europe by the Portuguese. The perfumed wood is evidently the result
of a disease in the tree, produced by the thickening of the sap into
a gum or resin. The tree is confused with the aloes, but properly
speaking has no connection with that tree; and the word _agila_
has been wrongly translated into "eagle" [see above "_aguila_"]. The
tree probably belongs to the order of _Leguminosæ_. The best perfumed
or diseased wood is found in the mountainous country to the east of
the Gulf of Siam, including Camboja and Cochinchina. Castenheda says
that at Campar, on the eastern side of Sumatra, are "forests which
yield aloes-wood, called in India Calambuco (kalambak). The trees
which produce it are large, and when they are old they are cut down
and the aloes-wood taken from them, which is the heart of the tree,
and the outer part is agila. Both these woods are of great price,
but especially the Calambuco, which is rubbed in the hands, yielding
an agreeable fragrance; the agila does so when burned." See Crawfurd,
_ut supra_, pp. 6, 7, and Yule's Cathay, ii, p. 472, note 1.

[69] _Calambac_: the kalambac, or normal form of the wood called agila,
is evidently meant here; see preceding note.

[70] See _Vol_. IV, pp. 99, 100.

All the old books of voyages of eastern countries contain much on the
buying and selling prices of various commodities. See especially the
notable Hakluyt Society publications.






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